15/15 2023年胡適之先生紀念演說 第15回:日升日落,胡家二百年;美國世紀,利息在人間.......。胡適的記憶之宮:親友,方聞;詩歌,笑話。看電影《飄》、永井荷風看某法國片;趣談"日本國寶" (書). “March comes in like a lion, out like a lamb” .....談「想」(THINK)的矛、盾、幻覺與希望。夏濟安選文"Moscow, 1918" 兩段 By George Kennan... 「.....居然能出這樣一個人才!真使我驚異。」〈論思想或觀念的僵窒和簡化〉胡適之先生日記末兩篇及其剪貼 俄羅斯侵略烏克蘭一週年反思《自由主義之後》(彭淮棟譯。After Liberalism By Immanuel Wallerstein 1930~2019) 「胡適與殷海光 — 兩代自由主義者思想風格的異同 」 《臺大 文史哲學報》第37期1989.12 。海耶克 《到奴役之路》:胡適、余英時
https://www.facebook.com/hanching.chung/videos/595199075463871
談「想」(THINK)的矛、盾、幻覺與希望
15/15 2023年胡適之先生紀念演說 第15回:
1962.2.19/ 2.21
胡適之先生日記末兩篇及其剪貼
俄羅斯侵略烏克蘭一週年反思《自由主義之後》(彭淮棟譯。After Liberalism By Immanuel Wallerstein)
〈論思想或觀念的僵窒和簡化〉
胡適之先生日記末兩篇及其剪貼
胡適之先生日記末兩篇及其剪貼
“March comes in like a lion, out like a lamb”
胡適病中看某本 Joke Book,跟胡頌平講的笑話之一。可能是怕老婆之故事。
“March comes in like a lion, out like a lamb” means that March starts off with cold winters and ends with warmer, spring weather. Because March straddles the winter/spring line, this is the perfect idiom to describe the weather during this month.Mar 6, 2017
「胡適與殷海光 — 兩代自由主義者思想風格的異同 」 《臺大 文史哲學報》第37期1989.12, 頁123~172
海耶克 《到奴役之路》:胡適、余英時
George Kennan's Russia Leaves the War. George Kennan的回憶錄數本。Kremlin fury over Biden 'war criminal' comment. Vladimir Putin’s regime looks less secure. 政治下毒、暗殺重現俄羅斯。The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy by Strobe Talbott 2003 。 OBLOMOV (《奧勃洛莫夫》1859) by Ivan Goncharov「多餘人」superfluous man
About
Wallerstein's academic and professional career began at Columbia University where he was first an instructor and then associate professor of sociology from 1958 to 1971.[10] During his time there he became leading supporter for student who were protesting during the Columbia University protests of 1968 as they fought against Columbia's involvement in the Vietnam War.[11]
In 1976 Wallerstein was offered the unique opportunity to pursue a new avenue of research, and so became head of the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems and Civilization at Binghamton University in New York,[13] whose mission was "to engage in the analysis of large-scale social change over long periods of historical time".[14] The Center opened with the publishing support of a new journal, Review,[10] (of which Wallerstein was the founding editor), and would go on to produce a body of work that "went a long way toward invigorating sociology and its sister disciplines, especially history and political-economy".[10] Wallerstein would serve as a distinguished professor of sociology at Binghamton until his retirement in 1999.[12]
From dependency theory, he took the key concepts of "core" and "periphery".[citation needed]
However, Wallerstein named Frantz Fanon (1925-1961), Fernand Braudel (1902-1985), and Ilya Prigogine (1917-2003) as the three individuals who exerted the greatest influence "in modifying my line of argument (as opposed to deepening a parallel line of argument)."[3] In The Essential Wallerstein, he stated that: "Fanon represented for me the expression of the insistence by those disenfranchised by the modern world‑system that they have a voice, a vision, and a claim not merely to justice but to intellectual valuation.";[3] that Braudel, for his description of the development and political implications of extensive networks of economic exchange in the European world between 1400 and 1800, "more than anyone else made me conscious of the central importance of the social construction of time and space and its impact on our analyses.";[3] and that "Prigogine forced me to face the implications of a world in which certainties did not exist – but knowledge still did."[3]
Wallerstein was often mocked for arguing since 1980 that the United States is a "hegemon in decline",[citation needed] but since the Iraq War this argument has become more widespread. During this time, Wallerstein also argued that the development of the capitalist world economy was detrimental to a large proportion of the world's population.[24] Like Marx, Wallerstein predicted that capitalism will be replaced by a socialist economy, a view held in the 1970s, but reassessed in the 1980s.[25] He concluded that the successor system(s) is unknowable.[citation needed]
The statuses of core and periphery are not exclusive and fixed geographically, but are relative to each other. A zone defined as "semi-periphery" acts as a periphery to the core and as a core to the periphery. At the end of the 20th century, this zone would comprise Eastern Europe, China, Brazil, and Mexico. It is important to note that core and peripheral zones can co-exist in the same location.[citation needed]
In the last two decades of his life, Wallerstein increasingly focused on the intellectual foundations of the modern world-system and the pursuit of universal theories of human behavior. In addition, he showed interest in the "structures of knowledge" defined by the disciplinary division between sociology, anthropology, political science, economics, and the humanities, which he himself regarded as Eurocentric. In analyzing them, he was highly influenced by the "new sciences" of theorists like Ilya Prigogine.[citation needed]
****his ideas about Western domination of the modern world and the very nature of sociological inquiry
989 | The Modern World-System, vol. III: The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730-1840s | Immanuel Wallerstein | San Diego: Academic Press |
1989 | Antisystemic Movements | Immanuel Wallerstein with Giovanni Arrighi and Terence K. Hopkins | London: Verso |
1990 | Transforming the Revolution: Social Movements and the World-System | Immanuel Wallerstein with Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi and Andre Gunder Frank | New York: Monthly Review Press |
1991 | Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities | Immanuel Wallerstein with Étienne Balibar | London: Verso. |
1991 | Geopolitics and Geoculture: Essays on the Changing World-System | Immanuel Wallerstein | Cambridge: Cambridge University Press |
1991 | Unthinking Social Science: The Limits of Nineteenth Century Paradigms | Immanuel Wallerstein | Cambridge: Polity |
1995 | After Liberalism | Immanuel Wallerstein | New York: New Press |
“I have argued that world-systems analysis is not a theory but a protest against neglected issues and deceptive epistemologies,” he wrote.
“It is an intellectual task,” he continued, “that is and has to be a political task as well, because — I insist — the search for the true and the search for the good is but a single quest.”
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