2015年5月30日 星期六

朱敦儒《樵歌》章依萍校点、胡適題序;溫梓川《文人的另一面》

《文人的另一面》講述了:上世紀二三十年代的中國文壇,離我們已經相當遙遠了,溫梓川去世也已近二十年,但他筆下的那些文采飛揚、神態各異的前輩文人,那些精彩紛呈、有聲有色的文壇往事,卻還是那樣地令人悠然神往。這當然不僅是那些文人文事自身的魅力,無疑也有作者溫梓川辛勤耕耘、妙筆天成之功。他為我們在往昔與現今、中國與南洋之間搭建了一條文學對話的橋樑,為我們了解文壇的過去、了解他本人的生命歷程,提供了豐富而珍貴的資料。新文學自五四以來,波瀾壯闊,而文壇風景也隨之競具百態。馬來西亞前輩作家溫梓川早年負笈廣州中山大學及上海暨南大學時,與汪靜之、曹聚仁、章衣萍等一大批師友交誼頗篤,並和魯迅、梁實秋、徐志摩、沈從文等也過從甚密。其文壇回憶錄,為後人留下一道別樣的民國風景……

文人的另一面- 作者介紹 


溫梓川(1911-1986),生於馬來西亞檳榔嶼,早年曾先後就讀於廣州中山大學和上海暨南大學,與文壇名流交往頗密,並以其詩歌、小說、散文小說等創作,在30年代滬上文壇嶄露頭角。

文人的另一面- 作品目錄 


談笑有鴻儒
――關於溫梓川的文壇回憶錄
名師風采
我所認識的夏丐尊先生
史學家傅斯年
從倫敦回來的傅斯年
張鳳的麵線點
葉公超二三事
敢說敢為的葉公超
談梁實秋
再談梁實秋
梁遇春與散文
汪靜之與《蕙的風》
大膽詩人汪靜之
馮三昧講小品文
周谷城教英文
李石岑談人生哲學
沈從文像小商人
顧仲彝、洪深不教戲劇
“黑旋風”洪深
張資平教地理
三角戀愛小說商張資平
鄧腎功的“要得” 
京片子和衛生學
彭家煌教國語
章克標登龍有術
陶冷月專畫冷月
光他人門楣的潘光旦
“世人皆欲殺”的羅隆基
《情書一束》
《情書一束》和章衣萍
活躍於文壇的幾個暨大教授
暨南往事
秋野社的一群
漫談暨南的秋野社
暨南文藝研究會?檳榔社
檳榔社的名人演講
舞台春秋
徐志摩朗誦《秋聲》
新月詩人徐志摩
曾孟樸談《孽海花》
張競生開美的書店
“何徐事件”的內幕
夏炎德寫《法蘭西文學史》
三個一夜成名的青年作家
關於校歌的回想
文壇回想
在廣州一年
在廣州見到了魯迅
鬱達夫三宿檳城
雨巷詩人
“現代派詩人”戴望舒
邵洵美金屋藏嬌
毀家興書的邵洵美
蔣光慈印象
與豐子愷的“緣” 
滕固在伏見丸上
被目為唯美派作家的滕固
文藝茶話
崔萬秋的啟事戰
曾分可宣告文壇下野
曾今可被罵留名
徐悲鴻坐對瓶梅食餅乾
蕭乾在檳城
湘潭黎家子弟的聲光
章回小說家張恨水
“詩怪”林庚白
新書業與作家
洪雪帆與現代書局
談饒百迎
瘐死獄中的李詞? 
喜歡寫詩的顧因明
徐東甫徐北甫
徐覺非和江晃西
“無辦法的戀愛”的馬寧
才氣橫溢的陳祖山
戲劇家王紹清在檳城
不像詩人的詩人吳逸凡



收書趣事之一,便是翻看到有趣的筆記、見解獨特的心得、書人的心情故事、自我勉勵的對話,今天翻看到的是集大成,有心情抒發、自我砥礪,但最讓人驚歎的是,有趣又有點莫名奇妙的借書條例⋯,讀後立馬笑出來,是是什麼借閲條款,自High成分居高吧!
哈哈哈哈哈哈~~~
本書限借:
(1)三等之直系親屬
(2)三年以上之老朋友
(3)三本同值書做抵押者
(4)三天之內限期歸還
(5)三十八元先付給我者
凡有以上任何二項資格者,才可借閱,違者嚴懲!
周 1978.9.8
J.J.H
1980.3.20 購於光華市場
司馬中原《呆虎傳》(皇冠雜誌社,民國64年、秉燭夜談之三
世態炎涼,人心不古
現實社會是殘酷的
弱者沒有自尊可言
有的僅是那一點可憐的自卑
自信、自強才是成功之道
買書的錢也是辛苦賺得
借去的朋友啊!
看完早日歸還
莫讓買者苦苦盼望!
     1978.9.8 周

hc提問:請問:封面是胡適,內容相關部分是否為章衣萍那章?






有關《文人的另一面》——民國風景之一種
《文人的另一面——民國風景之一種》
】溫梓川[馬來西亞] 著
責編:曹凌志
2004年1月第1版
開本:16
定價:¥29.00元
  上世紀二三十年代的中國文壇,離我們已經相當遙遠了,溫梓川去世也已近二十年,但他筆下的那些文采飛揚、神態各異的前輩文人,那些精彩紛呈、有聲有色的文壇往事,卻還是那樣地令人悠然神往。這當然不僅是那些文人文事自身的魅力,無疑也有作者溫梓川辛勤耕耘、妙筆天成之功。他為我們在往昔與現今、中國與南洋之間搭建了一條文學對話的橋樑,為我們了解文壇的過去、了解他本人的生命歷程,提供了豐富而珍貴的資料。


精彩書摘 
  在我看來,要論與中國現代文壇的關係,馬來西亞華文作家中似乎沒有一個能夠超過溫梓川的。他既是一位資深的有相當成就的馬華老作家,同時他也在中國現代文壇留下了深深的足跡。
文壇逸事
  上世紀二三十年代的中國文壇,離我們已經相當遙遠了,溫梓川去世也已近二十年,但他筆下的那些文采飛揚、神態各異的前輩文人那些精彩紛呈、有聲有色的文壇往事,卻還是那樣地令人悠然神往。
*****
2012.6.3 在臺北舊香居發現此書,是少數的胡適序而沒附日期的。


序文應該是'朱敦儒小傳' 語絲1926.8
收入詞選第四編

胡適之先生的世界The Many Worlds of Dr. Hu Shih: 朱敦儒小傳(胡適 ...

hushihhc.blogspot.com/2011/04/1926.html
2011年4月17日 – 朱敦儒小傳(胡適1926). 朱敦儒(Wikipedia) 生沒年與胡適(1926 收入詞選) 的朱敦儒小傳(1080-1175)中差異相當大不知原因如何 念奴嬌. 老來可喜, ...


民国15年初版 章依萍 校点的线装诗集 《樵歌》胡适题书名 仅印1500册

 

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[线装古旧书拍卖品]民国15年初版 章依萍 校点的线装诗集 《樵歌》胡适题书名 仅印1500册
[线装古旧书拍卖品]民国15年初版 章依萍 校点的线装诗集 《樵歌》胡适题书名 仅印1500册
[线装古旧书拍卖品]民国15年初版 章依萍 校点的线装诗集 《樵歌》胡适题书名 仅印1500册
[线装古旧书拍卖品]民国15年初版 章依萍 校点的线装诗集 《樵歌》胡适题书名 仅印1500册
[线装古旧书拍卖品]民国15年初版 章依萍 校点的线装诗集 《樵歌》胡适题书名 仅印1500册

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http://www.miucheng.com/zhudunru146/37487.html
朱敦儒及其《樵歌》朱敦儒著、鄧子勉校注之《樵歌》是前幾天在孔網撿漏所得最滿意的一本書,上海古籍出版社1998年7月1版1印,印數2000冊,基本為10品新書,價為5元(原價27元)。今天書到手中,喜不自禁,心情不亞於中彩票大獎,然此非價格低廉之故,實因該書價值高昂之由。

朱敦儒,字希真,號嚴壑,洛陽人。生於宋神宗元豐四年(1081),卒於宋高宗紹興二十九年(1159),生活於南北宋相交之年代。關於朱敦儒之生卒信息,似乎缺乏考證,上述來自鄧子勉先生校注之《樵歌》“前言”所提供。之所以提出這個問題,是因為早先看胡云翼先生選注之《宋詞選》,有關朱敦儒簡介中便沒有生卒信息,唯一句“朱敦儒一生九十多年中……”印像很深,長壽啊。現《樵歌》一書明確標出朱敦儒先生之生卒年代,意味著朱敦儒在世七十九年,這與胡云翼先生之“九十多年”衝突甚大,不知此信息依據何在?或者此信息早已為他人所考證證實也有可能,自己孤陋寡聞罷了。朱敦儒之詞,言語清新曉暢,“詞品高潔,妍思有窅,……,讀其詩,可想見其人”(清·張德瀛《詞徵》),想見其人,可見評價之高。朱敦儒確實才華橫溢,名噪一時,只是由於自身晚節之缺陷,近70歲時為奸賊秦檜所用(因秦檜之子秦熺喜好文學),官鴻臚少卿,結果秦檜死後,被廢黜,造成為後世所不齒的境地。因此,因人而文,《嚴壑老人詩文集》、《嚴壑小集》等幾部著作均已佚失,僅存《樵歌》還是以手抄本之形式流傳下來,且未被收入《四庫全書》之中,想其原因也是晚節不保之故。直至清光緒年間及民國初方有《樵歌》刻本出現,此書自此流行於世。

胡適先生也很欣賞《樵歌》,他曾對章衣萍先生說“這是一劑藥,醫你們這些恨人的!”(民國·章衣萍·北新書局版樵歌后記),“恨人”,章衣萍先生解釋為“愛吟悲苦之詩”之人。後來,章衣萍先生校點《樵歌》,胡適先生還主動為之作序,並撰朱敦儒小傳(注:此小傳中也沒有朱敦儒之生卒信息),稱其少年時以布衣負重名。靖康時,召至京師,然不肯就官,辭還山。南渡後,高宗又召,又辭,數次後才應,不久又被劾罷。年老時已經告歸,鬼使神差地又被秦檜看上啟用,一失足成千古恨。

這一點似乎與錢牧齋和周作人有些類似,不過這兩位後輩的著作並沒有因此而消失,且有越來越旺之趨勢,相對朱敦儒來說,可是冷清了許多。朱敦儒詞,原來一直未能找到幾首,手邊上僅胡雲翼先生選注之《宋詞選》中有九首,現好了,《樵歌》買到手,也可一睹朱敦儒的風采了。錄一首喜歡的於後:鷓鴣天:西都作我是清都山水郎。

天教懶慢帶疏狂。
曾批給露支風敕,
累奏留雲借月章。
詩萬首,酒千觴。
幾曾著眼看侯王。
玉樓金闕慵歸去,
且插梅花醉洛陽。

 

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章依萍

 全国新文学作家142人,而绩溪就有4人,他们是胡适、汪静之、胡思永和章依萍

 章依萍詩一首
一拳女兒家,沒膽子,伯伯關她閨房裡。要是我是女兒時,一拳打得伯伯死!

                                    
選自《種樹集》




小說家《痴慈日记》   章依萍 八、《桃色的衣裳》  章依萍 九、《红 迹》    章依萍 十、《给璐子的信》  章依萍

《懷舊人生憶語》

作者老舍、章依萍

出版社:吉林文史出版社

書號:80626-158-3

出版時間:1997年1月




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2015年5月29日 星期五

Sir Harold Acton 艾克敦;朱光潛《詩論》、胡適與朱光潛 (林建剛)。



 《白話文學史》 1928  第3章   漢朝的民歌 頁19: 古人說詩三百篇有"興"的一體,就是這一種無意義的起頭語。   

朱光潛 《詩論》台北:正中,1962 (序寫於1948北京大學),頁66
雞鳴高樹巔,狗吠深宮中。 ......
月沒參橫,北斗闌甘.....

起首兩句引子都與正文毫不相干,它們的起源,與其說是"套"現成民歌的起頭, 如胡適,如胡適所說的,不如說是沿用國風以來的傳統的技巧。.....
----

好文嚴選:若問道術多變化,請向興亡事裡尋 —— 胡適與朱光潛

林建剛 2014年06月15日 05:20127 點擊數
A A A A
好文嚴選:若問道術多變化,請向興亡事裡尋  —— 胡適與朱光潛
胡適與朱光潛一生交誼,學問與政治心向接近,在在1949卻選擇不同的路子,然而一路走來終究証明是非之所在 。(騰訊大家網)
晚年的馮友蘭,自我反省之餘,曾寫下「若問道術多變化,請向興亡事裡尋」的詩句。胡適朱光潛的關係,似乎也可以用這句詩來形容。兩人關係也隨時局的變幻而多次變化。

當胡適發起的新文化運動,提出「選學妖孽」、「桐城謬種」的口號時,朱光潛對新文化運動充滿了反感。畢竟,朱光潛是安徽桐城人,從小接受的就是桐城派古文的教育。不過,他很快適應了新文化運動的潮流,也開始動手寫起了白話詩。對此,朱光潛回憶說:「我看到胡適提倡白話文章,心裡發生過很大的動盪。我始而反對,因為自己也在『桐城謬種』之列,可是不久也就轉過彎來了,毅然決然地放棄了古文和文言,自己也學著寫起白話來了。」

逐漸適應寫白話文的朱光潛,很快以《給青年的十二封信》震動了文壇,他的文字娓娓道來、筆法深入淺出,很快成為新一代青年的偶像。此時的朱光潛,正在歐洲留學,並完成了《詩論》的初稿。而恰恰就是憑藉《詩論》,朱光潛贏得了胡適的青睞。對此,朱光潛回憶說:「我的一位高師同班友好徐中舒把我介紹給北京大學文學院長胡適,並且把我的《詩論》初稿交給胡適作為資歷的證件。於是胡適就聘我任北大西語系教授。」

1930年代,擔任北大文學院院長的胡適,希望在文學院推進新文化運動,他解聘了老輩學者林隕,將周作人、梁實秋、徐志摩等人聘為研究教授。在胡適看來,朱光潛無疑是繼周作人之後非常優秀的文藝理論家。

朱光潛到北大後,在胡適的支持下,很快成為了《文學雜誌》的主編,他們所組成的京派文學家團體,與上海的以左聯為首的海派作家遙相對抗,成為1930年代頗有影響力的文學派別。

1934年,北大法文系教授梁宗岱婚變,梁宗岱的妻子在胡適的幫助下,與梁宗岱打官司。這一時期,胡適成為梁宗岱妻子的代理人,而朱光潛則是梁宗岱的合法代理人,兩人曾就梁宗岱的問題進行商討,使事情順利解決。事後不久,梁宗岱被北大解聘。

1932年12月9日,一二九學生運動爆發,針對學生的反日愛國行為,胡適有保留地支持。在胡適看來,盲目地罷課行為,不但不會救國,還有誤國之嫌。對此,北大校長蔣夢麟於1932年12月31日展開北大全體學生會議。會議上,胡適苦口婆心地勸誡學生,結果卻遭到了有政黨背景的學生的噓聲。當時,朱光潛也在現場,他站在胡適一邊。1951年11月26日,朱光潛在《人民日報》發表《最近學習中幾點檢討》。文中說道:「記得抗戰前有一次胡適在北京大學三院演講,勸學生不要罷課,當場就有許多學生在下面噓,我心裡很不舒服,以為簡直是胡鬧。」

與胡適一樣,朱光潛似乎在群情激奮的時刻保持清明的理性與睿智的判斷。不過,在1949前後的去留問題上,兩人做出了截然不同的選擇。

1937年的舊曆新年,朱光潛去胡適家拜年,當時胡適剛看了曹禺的《雷雨》與《日出》,兩人就這兩本戲劇展開了討論。隨著七七事變的爆發,胡適前往美國尋求美援,後來擔任駐美大使,而朱光潛則先後擔任四川大學文學院院長、武漢大學教授,抗戰期間,他被介紹加入了國民黨。抗戰勝利之後,朱光潛拒絕擔任安徽大學校長,他繼胡適之後,成了北大文學院院長,而此時的胡適,則是北大的校長。國共內戰時期,兩人在很多問題的看法上都不謀而合。此時的胡適,創辦了獨立時論社,朱光潛是獨立時論社的社員。

這一時期,朱光潛在《中央日報》發表《世界的出路——也就是中國的出路》。文中說道:「說得具體一點,美國在治政方面代表民主自由,在經濟方面卻代表資本主義;蘇聯在經濟方面代表共產主義,在政治方面卻代表集權專制。……民主自由在美國和資本主義聯在一起,共產主義在蘇聯與集權專制聯在一起,都是極不幸的錯亂的結合,目前世界分裂和衝突,禍根也正在此。世界的唯一出路就在糾正這種錯亂的結合,使民主自由與共產主義能攜手並進。」

朱光潛的這一認知,與1920年代時期的胡適思想是相通的。但問題是:當朱光潛所夢想的民主自由與共產主義不能得兼時,是寧願選擇美國呢、還是選擇蘇聯呢?在這一問題上,朱光潛似乎沒有給出答案,而胡適則「兩者相權取其輕」,選擇了美國。

1948年年底,隨著國民黨在國共內戰中節節敗退,國民政府開始搶救平津知識分子。在國民政府的搶救名單上,胡適名列首位,而加入國民黨的朱光潛則名列第三。在兒子胡思杜堅決不走的情形下,胡適依然堅決地選擇了離開,朱光潛則選擇了留在大陸。

朱光潛之所以做出留下的選擇,可能與他女兒的身體有關。在接受陳遠採訪時,朱光潛的女兒朱世樂回憶,朱光潛之所以不走,主要是因為她患了骨結核,不能動,只能靜養。也恰恰是在這一期間,蔣介石派飛機來接一些教授離開北平。權衡了利弊得失之後,為了自己的女兒,朱光潛選擇了留下。

選擇留在大陸的朱光潛,因為跟胡適的關係以及國民黨員的身份問題,在建國初期不得不與胡適劃清界限。這一時期的朱光潛,多次寫文章批判胡適。1951年12月1日,朱光潛在《新觀察》第三卷第九期發表《澄清對於胡適的看法》。遠在海外的胡適很快看到了這篇文章,他將文章粘貼在了自己的日記中,並題注曰:「此文是一個會做文章的人寫的。」文中,朱光潛寫道:「陳援庵給他的信他在報紙上看到之後,硬不相信那是陳援庵寫的,理由是陳援庵一向不寫白話文。他的兒子胡思杜寫了一篇檢討他的文章,他在美國看到了,也硬說這不能是出於他兒子的本意,說在共產黨之下沒有『緘默的自由』。」

上面這一段文字可以看出,對於胡適海外的相關言論,朱光潛其實是非常清楚的。文章最後,朱光潛寫道:「拿他這面鏡子照一照我自己,我竟是一個胡適的『具體而微』。我有封建意識的包袱,也有買辦思想的包袱。他所走過的路,我也都走過,走的遠近容略有不同。我也宣傳過帝國主義的文化,也主張過緩步改良,也曾由主張學術不問政治的冬烘教授轉變成國民黨的幫凶,站在反動的維護封建權威的立場仇視過學生愛國運動。」

這段文字被胡適重點劃線了,或許在胡適看來,這段文字是朱光潛聯繫胡適來自我批判的畫龍點睛之筆吧。朱光潛批判胡適之後,我們不知道胡適的內心想法,不過在公開場合,胡適公開宣稱自己理解朱光潛的處境。據周策縱回憶:「20世紀50年代,朱光潛先生被逼發表一篇文章批評胡適,說以前有一天,他去看胡適,見他書房桌上到處攤開著許多書,這就證明他平日無實學,臨時東抄西摘。這篇文章,紐約華文報紙也有轉載,我的一位熟人去問胡先生,讀過有什麼反應?胡先生大笑說:『朱光潛先生文章寫得很好!在那種環境裡他怎能不寫?我非常同情他。』」

1981年,留美學者周策縱回到大陸拜訪朱光潛,將胡適的這段話告訴了朱光潛,而朱光潛的反應也很有意思:「他(朱光潛)望了望陪我(周策縱)去的那位年輕人,然後低下頭來,用十分富於感情的音調說:『你知道嗎,我的大半生都在北京大學教書,我如果不到北大來,還不知終生會怎麼樣了。我到北大就是胡先生盡力介紹來的!』他說到這裡就嚥住了,沉默了許久,說不出話來。」

從朱光潛的這一回應看,此時的他,早已完全拋棄了1950年代初期對胡適的那些看法。他的那些看法,只是特殊年代下知識分子心靈扭曲的時代寫照,一旦一個正常的時代來臨,胡適的印象終究會得到恢復與修正。

考察朱光潛筆下胡適形象的變遷,也正應了文章開頭馮友蘭的那句詩:「若問道術多變化,請向興亡事裡尋。」

*作者為專欄作家,胡適迷。(原文刊載騰訊大家網http://goo.gl/h0yeXm,責任編輯:趙瓊。)





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 陳世襄Shih-Hsiang Chen
*****
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harold_Acton

 Sir Harold Mario Mitchell Acton CBE (5 July 1904 – 27 February 1994) was a British writer, scholar and dilettante



 http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/trad/hi/newsid_1050000/newsid_1055800/1055801.stm
 2000年12月05日 格林尼治標準時間12:03北京時間20:03發表

艾克敦: 胡同裡 的最後貴族
倫敦大學亞非學院    趙毅衡
英國貴族文人哈羅得艾克敦爵士(Sir Harold Acton) 是一次大戰後牛津大學青年文人中“最有希望的人物”。
一九三二年艾克敦離歐到日本。日本不對他的口味,軍國主義氣焰囂張。他雖是遠離政治的人,但不能在這種氣氛中欣賞日本文物。因此他立即轉到中國,發現中國的一切都很熟悉,因為他早就熟讀韋利譯的白居易,翟理斯譯的莊子,理雅各譯的儒典。
北京大學的溫源寧和張歆海立即把他帶入了北大的知識份子的圈子,過從者梁宗岱、袁家驊、朱光潛等人皆為一時之選。一九三三年起他受聘於北大,教英國文學, 立即與學生中的一批青年詩人教上朋友。當時二十歲左右的陳世驤、馮廢名、林庚、李廣田、何其芳、陳夢家都在北大。其中十八歲的卞之琳給艾克敦的印像最深, 卞體弱、□腆、矜持,只有談詩論文時才激動得滿臉通紅,但艾克敦認為卞的詩最有氣質。
艾克敦教英國文學,在北京的英國人中也引出很多非議,他教的是“有修養”的教授們認為是走火入魔的艾略特的長詩《荒原》和勞倫斯的小說《查特萊夫人的情人》,並鼓勵學生寫論艾略特的論文,這是第一次有人在中國認真地宣講歐美現代派文學。
艾克敦聲稱他不愛古人愛今人,在Cathay 與China 中他選擇後者。從試譯卞之琳的詩開始,艾克敦與陳世驤合作翻譯了中國現代詩的第一本英譯。這個選本的確獨具慧眼,尤其詩人們還都那麼年輕,剛開始寫作生涯,這是往往使編者受到歷史的嘲笑最難的事。
但是從今天回顧,艾克敦的批評眼光極準。而且據一些評者看來,艾克敦基於自己丰厚的文學修養,"譯出"了一些中國詩人的風格淵源,徐志摩的《雪花的快樂》譯文讀來酷似濟慈,而邵洵美的詩譯文幾乎可以出自道森手筆。
英語系主任溫源寧與文學院院長胡適不合,溫辭職。據慣例,全體教授應辭職以示“共進退”。但艾克敦太熱愛這工作,未提辭呈。胡適給艾克敦留了點面子,把他的任課壓到了一星期一堂。但不久胡適親自訪問了艾克敦,請他英國詩。
艾克敦在京時據說同時進行六項翻譯,他與美國的中國戲劇專家阿靈頓(L.C.Arlington)合作,把流行京劇三十三折譯成英文,集成《中國名劇》一 書,1937年出版,收有《長□坡》、《汾河灣》、《法門寺》、《群英會》、《奇雙會》、《金鎖記》、《捉放曹》等。這工程很困難,但艾克敦是京戲迷,與 程硯秋、李少春等人交往。美國女詩人、《詩刊》主編哈麗特.蒙羅二度訪華時,艾請她看京戲,鑼鈸齊鳴,胡琴尖細,蒙羅無法忍受,手捂著耳朵倉皇逃走,艾克 敦對此有一解:西方人肉食者鄙,因此需要安靜,中國人素食品多,因此愛熱鬧。“我吃了幾年中國飯菜後,響鑼緊鼓對我的神經是甜蜜的安慰。在陰暗的日子裡 只有這種音樂才能恢復心靈的安寧。西方音樂在我聽來已像葬禮曲。”
一九三六年左右,艾克敦開始寫長篇小說《牡丹與馬駒》(Peonies and Ponies), 在京英美人的生活,寫得入木三分。小說中的美國婦人“不遠萬里住到中國來,卻整天泡在西人的雞尾酒會裡,似乎唯一的目的是等待又一次拳亂,過過性虐待 癮”。小說中說:“真應當再來一次拳亂,清清氣氛。”
不可否認此書有洩憤情緒,正如艾克敦自己承認,他後來寫《一個愛美者的回憶錄》,也是為了回答英人圈子對他“生活放蕩不規”的指責,這種指責使英政府在二次大戰中不敢派他回重慶擔任外交職務,艾對此十分氣憤。
一九三九年回到英國。七年的中國生活使他的親友發現他“談話像中國人,走路像中國人,眼角也開始向上飄”。
離開中國使艾克敦結束了“一生最美好的歲月”。二次大戰後艾克敦移居意大利,潛心做那不勒斯波爾旁王族的歷史研究。他傷心的看到“這一番輪回中已回不到北 京”去國之思,黍離之悲,使他找到陳世驤共同翻譯《桃花扇》以排遣懷鄉病。他們的翻譯直到七十年代陳世驤作古之後才由漢學家白之整理出版*。
“愛美者”(Aesthete)是旁人調侃艾克敦的稱呼,自王爾德之後,這個詞在英國尤其是在文化人中已有同性戀的暗示。艾克敦自號不諱,並認為北京是愛美者的最後的樂園。的確,二三十年代的中國文化人的圈子沒有西方那種道德上的矯飾和苛刻,而中國文化的確會令他心醉。

 *The Peach Blossom Fan (with Ch'en Shih-Hsiang), Berkeley, University of California Press, 1976.


 ----http://big5.dushu.com/news/2007/07-21/14131.html
  1932年,廢名在完成長篇小說《橋》和《莫須有先生傳》以后,轉入散文創作和新詩研究,并身體力行地創作了一百多首新詩。1934年廢名曾以 “新詩問答”的形式散布了他的新詩觀點。1936年,在一本英譯的《中國現代詩選》( Harold  Acton、陳世驤編譯)中,即已收入廢名的詩,并將 《論現代詩》一文(即“新詩問答”)用作附錄,作為此書宣揚中國現代派詩的理論文章。最近從胡適密藏書信中發現一封廢名致胡適的佚信,其中有關于新詩的認 識。據考證寫于1933年或1934年2月1日,這比“新詩問答”還早。此信尚未引起學界注意,亦未曾收入《廢名文集》《廢名年譜》等書中,全文將近四千 字,可謂迄今為止發現的廢名最長的一封信。
   信中闡述了以下觀點:一是明確指出“我們今日的新詩是中國詩的一種”,“白話詩不應該說是舊詩詞的一種進步,而是一種變化,是中國詩的一種體裁。今日的 新詩,并不能包羅萬象,舊詩詞所能表現的意境,沒有他的地位,而他確可以有他的特別領域,他可以表現舊詩詞所不能為力的東西。”二是在將舊詩詞與新詩作了 質的區分之后,繼而指出語言形式的文言與白話并非新舊詩的區分標準,“舊詩之不是新詩,不因其用的不是白話,就是有許多幾乎完全是白話句子的詞,我也以為 不能引為我們今日新詩的先例。新詩之不是舊詩,不因其用的是白話,而文言到底也還是漢語。”三是指出當下詩壇的困窘境地,“今日做新詩的人,一方面沒這個 體裁上的必然性的意識,一方面又缺乏新詩的生命,以為用白話做的詩就是新詩,結果是多此一舉。他們以為是打倒舊詩,其實自己反而站不住腳了。”四是對自己 的新詩充滿信心和對其晦澀的解釋,“我自己所做的一百多首詩,自以為合乎這個新詩的資格。我用了我的形式表達出了我的意思,他是站在舊詩的范圍以外,能夠 孑然而立了。若說他不好懂,那我覺得這本是人類一件沒有法子的事情。藝術原則上是可通于人,而事實并不一定是人盡可解;恐怕同戀愛差不多,我所見的女人我 未必都與之生愛情了。”以上四點還沒有明確說出廢名在“新詩問答”、《談新詩》中提出的根本觀點:新詩要有“散文的文字,詩的內容”。廢名又在信中大談溫 庭筠的詞、莎士比亞的戲劇、陶淵明的詩,來說明他們在藝術表現上的自由活潑,充盈著美麗的想象,似有引為今日新詩前例之意,但廢名又在《談新詩》中指出 “我的意思不是把李商隱的詩同溫庭筠的詞算做新詩的前例,我只是想推想這一派的詩詞存在的根據或者正有我們今日白話新詩發展的根據”。同時廢名自己作的新 詩也并非是要為其它詩人立一個做詩的榜樣,他只是說:“我用了我的形式表達出了我的意思。”他以他的詩實現了他的主張,而更希望別的詩人從他們自己的詩來 實現新詩的品質:要有“散文的文字,詩的內容”,因此極為推崇劉半農、卞之琳、林庚、朱英誕、沈啟無、馮至等人的詩歌,而很討厭新月派的格律詩,如“商籟 體”等。廢名平素對胡適的“談新詩”的觀點極為不滿,而這封信恰好是針對胡適的詩論的。1934年,廢名講教“新文藝試作·散文習作”,次年開講“現代文 藝”。據說廢名在講新詩以前曾問過胡適這門課怎么上,胡適叫他按照《新文學大系》上講,意若按照胡適的“談新詩”一文講即可,廢名卻在課堂上大說胡適的不 是,一口一個胡適之(馮健男:《廢名與胡適》)。

*****
陳國球在"陳世驤著《中國文學的抒情傳統:陳世驤古典文學論集》2015"的"代序"一文中,對 Harold Acton 有進一步的介紹。
這兩本書,相隔四十多年。
http://hcbooks.blogspot.tw/2010/12/blog-post_6076.html


更詳細的資料,請參考Wikipedia:
Sir Harold Mario Mitchell Acton CBE (5 July 1904 – 27 February 1994) was a British writer, scholar and dilettante. He is known for being believed to have inspired the character of "Anthony Blanche" in Evelyn Waugh's novel Brideshead Revisited (1945). Waugh himself wrote, "The characters in my novels often wrongly identified with Harold Acton were to a great extent drawn from Brian Howard". In a letter to Lord Baldwin, Waugh says, "There is an aesthetic bugger who sometimes turns up in my novels under various names – that was 2/3 Brian [Howard] and 1/3 Harold Acton. People think it was all Harold, who is a much sweeter and saner man [than Howard]."[1] Waugh, like many other writers, peopled his novels with composite characters based upon individuals he personally knew.



2015年5月27日 星期三

胡適與馬伯援訪福田德三;the 15 millionth—and last—Model T Ford












福田德三

1874~1930

代表作品
《日本經濟史論》
(1874~1930)經濟學家。學於東京高等商校,並留學德國,後任母校及慶應大學教授。其接受德國古典學派及馬克思經濟學影響,在日本建立經濟理論、經濟史、社會政策等門類,並介紹《資本論》,是日本經濟學的開拓者。作為自由主義者,其與吉野作造等組織黎明會,編輯激進性刊物《解放》,是大正民主主義運動的理論指導者。著有《日本經濟史論》。[1]


  • 日本經濟史論- 福田德三- Google Books

    books.google.com/books/about/日本經濟史論.html?... - Translate this page
    ... and phone. Go to Google Play Now ». 日本經濟史論. Front Cover. 福田德三. 寶文館, 1914 - Japan - 340 pages ... Section 3. 69. 12 other sections not shown ...
  • 李大钊北京十年:思想篇: - Google Books Result

    https://books.google.com.tw/books?id... - Translate this page
    2015
    主要论点之二是《我的马克思主义观》的第九、十两节,即论说平均利润率的部分、论说资本的部分,“蓝本即福田德三的《经济学研究》(同文馆刊、大正二年十一月)中的  ...
  • 經濟學全集: 經濟學講義- 福田德三- Google Books

    books.google.com/.../經濟學全集_經濟學講義.html?id... - Translate this page
    Go to Google Play Now ». 經濟學全集: 經濟學講義. Front Cover. 福田德三. 同文館, 1927 - Economics ... 3 other sections not shown. Bibliographic information.

  • 胡適 漫遊的感想 (四):1927.5 在日本曾與馬伯援訪日本著名的經濟學家福田德三,他剛從歐洲回來,決心不再信"社會政策",認為只有純粹的資本主義和共產主義兩種。胡適希望他造訪美國,說不定有第三條路。福田德三說他今年已55歲,怕到美國將自己的學說完全推翻。....
    胡適感慨:福田德三還是很不錯的,......我們之中有許多人決不承認世上會有事實足以動搖我們的迷信的。


    那時的美國:On May 27th 1927 Henry Ford and his son drove the 15 millionth—and last—Model T Ford out of the factory. 

    2015年5月26日 星期二

    K. C. Wu, General Douglas MacArthur, Dean Acheson, "Man on the Dike"; Time, August 7, 1950.


    K. C. Wu (Chinese吳國楨pinyinWú Gúozhēn) (October 21, 1903 – June 6, 1984) was a Chinese political figure and historian.




    二戰後,美蘇的兩大陣營『冷戰(1946-1991)』史,主要推動者,是美國國務卿艾奇遜.台灣因此才長期投入美國的懷抱,接受老大哥的援助與支配.我今天,原想下載他的『回憶錄』,臨時又用『冷戰史』的關鍵茲搜尋,卻出現共十幾種,超過一千萬字以上的驚人龐大叢書.大陸在華東師範大學成立一個『冷戰國際研究中心』,所以才會如此撲天蓋地的大量搜集與出版.台灣學者是落後了.無限感慨!


    Man on the Dike"; Time, August 7, 1950. ([2])
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._C._Wu

    DANGER ZONES: Man On The Dike

    Out of the skies over Formosa one day this week roared a U.S. C-54. It landed smoothly at Taipei's airfield. From the Bataan stepped General Douglas MacArthur. He was welcomed by Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek, whose determined face had over the years become almost as familiar to history as Douglas MacArthur's lofty scowl. MacArthur, accompanied by Vice Admiral Arthur Struble, commander of the U.S. Seventh Fleet, had come to discuss the defenses of Formosa, which the U.S. is committed to guard against Red attack. Said MacArthur, shaking Chiang's hand: "How do you do, Generalissimo, it was nice of you to come down and meet me."

    The two men, who for nearly 40 years had been fighting the various separate battles that history assigned them, had never met before. Last week, at long last, the two fighters stood side by side in the same battle. After months of snubbing the Nationalists on Formosa, Washington had begun to see the one fact that counted about Chiang. Formosa's Governor K.C. Wu had sharply stated that fact: "The only force in this part of the world with a sizable anti-Communist army, with a leadership that has a popular following and with the will to fight, is the Nationalist government."
    It had taken the U.S. a long time to reach the same conclusion.

    The Road to Decision. Last January, the President of the U.S. announced: "The United States Government will not provide military aid or advice to Chinese forces on Formosa . . . The resources on Formosa are adequate to enable them to obtain the items which they might consider necessary for the defense of the island."

    Secretary of State Dean Acheson had persuaded the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, against the advice of General MacArthur, that the U.S. should not intervene in Formosa. He advanced the remarkable argument that if Russia had its way in Asia, the Communists would eventually become highly unpopular among Asian people and the U.S. would gain popularity for its nice-mannered nonintervention.

    knock into a cocked hat
    The Red invasion of South Korea knocked such arguments into a cocked hat. The President reversed himself, announced what most military men—and plain common sense—would tell any American: Formosa in Red hands would be "a direct threat to the security of the Pacific area . . ."
    Can Formosa Hold? In the six months that it took for the U.S. to make up its mind, the Reds had built up a sizable invasion fleet. The Red dragon began to spit fire; Communist leaders made belligerent statements about how.they would liberate Formosa and crush Chiang. Would Formosa be the dragon's next bite?
    Last week, the Communists tried to take Taitan, a small Nationalist-held island off the mainland port of Amoy. The Nationalists drove off the attack. Later, the Nationalist air force—which had been idle for a month because of President Truman's request that the Nationalists cease operations against the Red mainland—strafed Communist forces on the Chinese coast, reported that it sank 150 Red invasion vessels. The Nationalists called this action a "self-defense measure," and Washington accepted that explanation.
    U.S. military men believe that a Red invasion can be turned back by the U.S. Seventh Fleet, together with the Nationalist army of about 500,000 men who have been licked into top shape by V.M.I.-trained General Sun Li-jen. They concede, however, that the Red Chinese air force of about 300 fighter-bombers and 100 medium bombers might deal crippling blows to ports and industries of the island stronghold.
    But the defense of Formosa, and the U.S. stake in it, is not purely a military matter. A large, vocal body of U.S. opinion has persistently suggested that the Nationalists are not fit allies for the U.S. The Chinese who are building a stronghold on Formosa today should tell Americans another story. One of the most important of these Chinese is Governor Wu.

    The Measure of Maturity. Wu Kuo-cheng was born in 1903 in the mountains of Central China, grew up in Peking, where his peasant-born father was director of military training for the Imperial Chinese army. In Peking's yellow-roofed Forbidden City, Dowager Empress Tzu-hsi (also known as the "Venerable Buddha") still occupied the Dragon Throne, and China still lay in the heavy torpor of her past. While Wu was in school, Sun Yat-sen and his followers rudely yanked at the queue of Chinese tradition, dethroned the Manchus and established the Chinese Republic.

    The din of these great events was only dimly heard in Wu's classroom. Wu was a bright pupil. Because he was the smallest boy in his class, he was invariably seated in the first row where he could get a better view of the blackboard. Next to him in the front row usually sat a mandarin's son named Chou Enlai.

    Their generation of Chinese was discovering (almost simultaneously) the Bible and Karl Marx. Wu eventually turned to the Bible and became an Anglican; Chou turned to Marx, is now Premier and Foreign Minister of China's Communist government.

    When he was 17, Wu weni to the U.S., enrolled at Grinnell College in Iowa. The only course in which Wu, later to be the mayor of three cities, did not get an A was municipal government. In 1923 Wu moved on to Princeton to take his doctorate in political science. He faced the formidable Dean Andrew Fleming West who personally interviewed all graduate students seeking admission. "Young man," said West after contemplating the round, boyish face of the applicant, "you are immature." "Sir," replied Wu, "to judge maturity by the criterion of age is an immature thought in itself." Dean West promptly admitted him to Princeton.

    Technician of Order. When Wu returned to China in 1926, Sun Yat-sen was dead. Vast areas of the country were bitterly contested by warlords with their private armies and by Nationalist revolutionaries. The best of the Nationalists, Chiang Kaishek, Sun's disciple, set out from Canton at the head of a revolutionary army on his famous Northern Expedition to quell the warlords. Young Nationalist K. C. Wu tried to join Chiang's army. He was rejected with the explanation: "You are too educated."

    Throughout the war, on orders from Moscow, the Reds had arrayed themselves in the "united front" with Chiang against the Japanese.* Liaison man between the Communists and the government was Wu's old schoolfriend, suave Chou Enlai. Chou was often heard to say at Chungking parties: "Wu and I used to go to school together. Now we fight together." Wu did not share this pally mood. Chou made him nervous. Said he once: "Chou En-lai puts me on the jitterbug."
    K. C. Wu's jitters proved amply justified.

    The Technicians of Chaos. For a time it seemed as if Chungking's—and all China's—heroic endurance had been rewarded. In 1945, after 14 years of fighting, the war was over: the Japanese surrendered. Men like K.C. Wu were sure then that they would get the time and the peace so desperately needed to build and organize a modern China. But, within sight of realization, their hopes came to nothing. While the technicians of order labored to build, the Red technicians of chaos labored to perpetuate disorder. Immediately after V-J day, the Communists and Nationalists were at war.
    In 1946, Chiang Kai-shek assigned Wu to tend Asia's most desperate sore of disorder: Shanghai.
    It was not a city; it was the double-distilled epitome of chaos. Sediments of every evil that Asia has seen in a century, and the residue of every Western movement for good in Asia, had been washed ashore on the Shanghai mudbanks. When Wu took over, Shanghai was a compound of patient, unlettered Chinese coolies, British traders, American, French and British missionaries, White Russian blondes who lived by their wits, refugees, adventurers, prostitutes, gangsters—and Communist agents. Nobody was astonished at hotel rooms that cost $150,000 (Chinese) a night, at small boys who peddled blackjacks in public, or at homeless children dying nightly in the streets.
    Mayor Wu's first act in office concerned the 97,000 dead who, during the war, had accumulated in the city's morgues because relatives could not transport them inland to their ancestral burial grounds. Wu ruled that henceforth no corpse might stay unburied more than 30 days.
    Wu proved an efficient, smart administrator against overwhelming odds. He managed to keep Shanghai's astronomical budget from soaring into outer space, did his best to fight black markets. As in Chungking, he dashed in person from crisis to crisis. On one occasion, he harangued nearly 3,000 rioting students for 18 hours, persuaded them to go home peacefully; another time, students beat him up. Once when workers in the city's big textile industry demanded pay raises, Mayor Wu gave a big tea party for the union bosses and their families. They were so pleased at being allowed to rub elbows with the mayor that they cut their demands by 75%.
    But Wu's fight for order was in vain. The technicians of chaos carried the day. The Communists (and their obedient echoes in the U.S.) screamed about China's weakness and confusion while, swinging the torch of civil war, the Reds themselves desperately increased the weakness and the confusion. As the Reds approached Shanghai, Chiang ordered Wu, who was seriously ill, to go to Formosa.
    Last Stand. On that island outpost, the men of order had another chance. For a time after V-J day, a carpetbagging Nationalist regime did great harm on Formosa. When Chiang's Nationalist government arrived, it carried with it from the mainland many of the weaknesses and the faults it had suffered before, but the realization—always bracing to strong men —of having to make a last-ditch stand had purged the Nationalists. Above all they were removed, if only 100 miles across the Straits of Formosa, from the Reds' corrosive power. Even Chiang Kai-shek's bitter foes concede that his government on Formosa is better than any Nationlist government of the past. Formosa (for 50 years brutally but efficiently ruled by the Japanese) is orderly, clean and prosperous looking. Over the neat towns and the green hills there seems to blow a breeze of determination and high spirit.
    Wu lives quietly with his wife & four children in an unostentatious, comfortable house which they bought with the proceeds of watercolors painted by Mrs. Wu. One Chinese explained why the Wus collected only enough for a modest house: "Not so plenty money because paintings not so good." The picture that fetched the highest price ($500) shows a grey palm tree with red fruit. The caption, written by K. C. Wu, says: "This tree is very hard, like iron; beautiful birds perch on it, looking down on the clear springwater. This is a heavenly place, wthout the slightest noise to break the stillness."
    Too Much Success. Since the Generalissimo appointed him governor last December, Wu has ably wielded the broom of reform. He has managed to halt inflation by curbs on the amount of money in circulation. Wu has also managed to repeat his feat of Hankow: he has balanced Formosa's budget—not without drastic forced loans and capital levies.
    Wu has overhauled the administration of the provincial government, thrown out unnecessary officials by the carload, given government posts to large numbers of Formosans. He has also pressed for early local elections, against the advice of more conservative Nationalist leaders.
    Perhaps the most important Nationalist measure on Formosa is land reform, begun by General Chen Cheng, Wu's able, shrewd predecessor as governor and now Prime Minister in the Nationalist government. Wu, good friend of General Chen, has vigorously enforced his land-reform program, which provides that farmers are to pay rents no higher than 37.5% of their crop (in the past, rents ran as high as 75%). The land reform has been partly financed by EGA and carried out with the help of a remarkable, little-known organization composed of U.S. and Chinese technicians called the Joint Commission for Rural Reconstruction, which has done important work teaching Formosans modern agricultural techniques.
    The Nationalist regime on Formosa has not turned overnight into an American good-government league's dream of good government. Since the island contains both the exiled government of China and the provincial government of Formosa, the lines of responsibility are apt to get tangled. Wu, for example, is theoretically in charge of the island's internal security. But in addition to his own provincial police, Formosa is guarded by the Nationalist government's secret police and the army intelligence service. Governor Wu is thus in the somewhat cramped position of the captain of a ship when the admiral is aboard. U.S. observers fear that Wu may have been a little too successful for his own good, that he may arouse the jealousy of old-line officials (a good many of whom remain, despite Chiang's recent purge of the hidebound old inner Kuomintang clique).
    Within a Year? Said one U.S. observer last week: "What we need is an act of imagination. We must imagine how it would be if the Communists had already invaded Formosa. The morning after that invasion, we would no longer debate whether or not Chiang's boys are worthy of our aid. We'd know that we must help Chiang for our own good."
    With Douglas MacArthur in Formosa, imagination would not be lacking. K.C. Wu himself, who has an amazing capacity for believing the best of the U.S., has never doubted that the U.S. would help the Nationalists. He speaks with resounding confidence of a Nationalist return to the Chinese mainland within a year.
    It will probably be a long time before K.C. Wu and his comrades again see ' their homeland. Meanwhile, what Wu and his friends have done on Formosa adds up to one significant message—the Chinese Nationalists are still fighting.


    * Mao Tse-tung explained the alliance: "Our determined policy is 70% self-development, 20% compromise, and 10% fight the Japanese."