2023年8月29日 星期二

史語所 丁文江(1887-1936)唱片 講演錄音「科學化的建設」

 


#檔案館館藏

檔案館館藏丁文江先生演講「科學化的建設」錄音唱片二張,該唱片由Columbia公司發行,錄製中央廣播電台於民國24年5月7日丁文江(1887-1936)先生的演講,錄音總長約18分鐘,演講後另有對丁先生的簡介。

丁文江先生為著名地質學家,曾任中央研究院總幹事。該演講是丁先生任職總幹事期間完成的。此演講中清楚點出當時的國家問題在於生產落後。要增加生產,則必須有科學化的建設。建設費用不能超過國民經濟的能力,應有輕重緩急的標準,統一的職權,以及建設未經實行以前,必須有充分研究與設計等四項具體建議。

歡迎你的線上試聽!


The Archives, IHP, owns two recordings on disc of Ding Wenjiang’s lecture titled “Scientized Constructions,” totaling 18 minutes, which was first presented on Central Broadcasting Station on May 7, 1936, and then recorded and released by Columbia Records. Ding was a well-known geologist and former director-general of Academia Sinica. The lecture argues that the main issue facing China at the time was lagging production. To improve production, the people must devote themselves to so-called scientized constructions. Concerning specific ways and approaches that could be implemented, Ding suggests that cost should not exceed the economic capability of the citizenry, executing procedures must have a standard based on priority, a unified authority needs to be established, and thorough research and design is required before acting. Feel free to have a listen!

2023年8月23日 星期三

《金問泗日記1931-1952》《從巴黎和會到國聯》和《外交工作的回憶》;冉雲飛"網上胡適讀書會"/ 《傳記文學》的“五四 九十週年特輯”


#陳煒舜專欄|王家鴻《外交詩話》中有〈談金問泗的詩詞稿〉一篇,頗為青睞外交詩人金問泗(1892-1968)其人其詩:

金大使問泗字純孺,為嘉興詩人金籛孫哲嗣。第二次世界大戰時,荷、比、盧森堡、波蘭、捷克均淪陷,五國流亡政府均在倫敦。金大使持五國使節,時人比之蘇秦佩六國相印。退休後,僑寓美國。歷年累積詩三百餘篇,恰似《唐詩三百首》的數量。全詩由其夫人美方女士以簪花格楷書影印,皆藝林佳話也。金使父子俱學義山詩,曾述其鄉先輩秦右衡詩說,謂義山用剛筆,西崑用柔筆,洵屬創見。金使各體規撫義山,不越玉谿一步。

閱讀全文:https://reurl.cc/RzNEj6

📣文化本事同時進駐以下平台,請多多支持!
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#伯爵茶跡 #陳煒舜 #五國使節 #金問泗 #外交詩人 #外交家 #花貓小編



《金問泗日記1931-1952》(上冊) / 張力編輯校訂,2016.5 本所最新出版
內容簡介:
金問泗 (1892-1968),號純孺,祖籍安徽休寧,生於浙江平湖。復旦公學畢業,1915年獲天津北洋大學法學士學位,1916年以優異成績通過北京政府首次舉辦的外交官領事官考試,進入外交部。1917年派為駐美使館學習員,同時就讀紐約哥倫比亞大學 (Columbia University),專修國際公法與外交學。1919年應駐美公使顧維鈞之邀出席巴黎和會,負責研究恢復關稅自主權問題,準備提案。1921年參加華盛頓會議。1922年調回北京政府外交部,曾任職中俄會議會務處,參加特別關稅會議。1928年出任南京國民政府外交部第一司司長,1931年底任外交部代理常務次長。1932年奉派前往日內瓦,參加國際聯盟討論〈李頓調查團報告書〉會議。會議結束後,旋出任中華民國駐荷蘭公使,於1933年9月到任,其後數年屢次受邀出席國際聯盟會議。1943年3月特任駐荷蘭大使,另兼任駐比利時、挪威、捷克、波蘭等流亡政府大使。戰後專任駐比利時大使,先後出席多項重要國際會議,至1952年退休。著有《從巴黎和會到國聯》、《外交工作的回憶》。本日記起自1931年,迄於1952年,主要記錄了其在駐歐期間的公務與私事,為這一時期中國外交的一手史料。

本所的研究範圍,為近現代中國在政治、軍事、外交、社會、經濟、文化、思想等各方面的變遷,尤其著重探討現代性(modernity)的形成。除了秉持歷來史學研究的良好傳統與基礎之外,更加強對當代社會、人文與世界的關懷。
MH.SINICA.EDU.TW


今天(12月26日)我編的金問泗兩本回憶錄《從巴黎和會到國聯》和《外交工作的回憶》同時出版上市。金問泗(1892-1968),是中國著名外交官,最高紀錄一人身兼歐洲五國的外交大使!
他在巴黎和會與中國代表團拒簽帝國主義在華特權及日本強迫中國承認的《二十一條》,展現不屈服強權的姿態。他參與華盛頓會議,成功收回山東權益。親組代表團遊說國際,希望透過簽署關貿總協定,讓中國恢復關稅自主權!
此次重新出版,特別收錄〈德荷戰事經過情形初稿〉&〈金問泗事略年表〉,前者是金問泗呈給顧維鈞大使的文件,藏在美國顧維鈞檔案中,此次蒙中央研究院張力研究員提供手稿副本打字,其中英文部分由張教授核對,十分感謝。這也是研究德荷戰事的一手材料,更是首次出版的。
⋯⋯更多



 冉雲飛先生從2007.9.21開始在中國天涯名博主持一個"網上胡適讀書會" 目前有233篇

 http://xinzhi.tianya.cn/wh/zq/207/2013/03/27/1324885.shtml
 ******
網路消息
《傳記文學》的“五四九十週年特輯” / 冉雲飛2009-05-23 08:12 | 閱讀(3974)《傳記文學》是中文世界頗具影響的老牌文化雜誌,因二十年來收舊書得以零星購置幾十種,得窺許多港台及海外華人的作品,深受教益。再者,我購有傳記文學出版社所出的書籍數十種,更是令我讀之不倦。比如像清末及民國的外交,就是在讀了傳記文學出版社有關施肇基、蔣作賓、金問泗、程天放等人的回憶錄後,有了不同於大陸意識形態桎梏下對近現代中國外交的認識,使備受洗腦的我能聽到不同的聲音。再者,對四川作為民國時期的青年黨的大本營,如曾琦、李璜等前輩的認識,也是讀了李璜的《學鈍室回憶錄》後,有了更多的了解。許多留在大陸的青年黨的後代,備受折磨屈辱,如西夏史專家吳天墀先生的哲嗣楊澤泉就因其父曾是青年黨,而九死一生。近年來,他寫了一本非常好的回憶錄正待出版。另外病死於成都的山西學者常燕生也是青年黨人,其後人常崇寧寫了本《中國青年黨在大陸》的書,雖然有欠深度,資料亦不夠豐富,但也算彌補大陸研究的不足。我手上收有一些常先生的書籍與史料(如1947年他去世時成都的雜誌所出的紀念專號),他日我會寫篇較為詳實的文章來談我對常先生的認識。事實上中國除了八十年代出了兩種與青年黨有關的不全資料集外,似乎沒有更深的研究著述出現。因為青年黨不只是批評國民黨,而且強烈反共,所以至今仍是個研究禁區。自然像曾琦、李璜這樣影響中國現代歷史的青年黨黨魁,大陸一時還不會有像樣子的研究,幸好還有個能自由研究學術的台灣,也有傳記文學出版社這樣的好出版社,且此期剛好也有篇陳茂正先生所寫的關於胡適與李璜情誼的文章,大可療飢。經朋友張耀傑兄之介,得以認識《傳記文學》雜誌簡金生先生,我將尚未出版的拙作《吳虞和他生活的民國時代》的書稿寄予他批評,他即熱情回應會選些章節刊登在《傳記文學》雜誌上,並且還留下了我另一篇長文《國共內戰時期學生日記裡的胡適》待查我感謝他對拙作的欣賞,同時也深感這期五四 九十週年特輯之厚實。

周質平先生是胡適先生研究專家,羅久芳女史是羅家倫先生之女,邵建兄和耀傑兄皆對新文化運動及其相關人物有研究專著出籠,我得附驥尾,實感榮幸。因此特向各位朋友推薦五月號《傳記文學》雜誌的“五四 九十週年的特輯”。五四運動至今仍舊在影響中國的歷史與現實,哪怕言人人殊——但我認為民主自由的確是其中的主潮——依舊值得我們認真探討與反思。

附:“五四九十週年特輯”目錄胡適與吳敬恆(周質平)羅家倫與五四運動(羅久芳)羅家倫的辦學風範(馮滬祥)徐志摩的另幅肖像(邵建)吳虞與北京大學(上)(冉雲飛)同為“北大人”——記胡適與李璜的情誼(陳茂正)九十年的新文化與反文化(上)(張耀傑)2009年5月23日8:11分於成都

蔣勳 池上或新開園

 池上最早的地名是「新開園」,新開發的園地,美麗也大氣。


我閱讀胡傳在清末書寫的「台東州采訪冊」 ,讀到「新開園」這個地名。

池上最早開發的地區,在今天東側海岸山脈錦園、萬安一帶。


大清帝國到了最後,快要覆亡了,還是出了一些優秀的知識份子,像胡傳(鐵花)。他們多不在中央,而是走向偏鄉山野。

台東有紀念胡傳的鐵花村、鐵花路。


1891胡鐵花到了台灣,曾經步行繞台灣一圈,做了許多實際探訪考察,他的步行地圖現在保留在南港中研院他兒子胡適的紀念館。


不是在辦公室做官,他腳踏實地把台灣走了一圈。


台東何其幸運,1893年,胡鐵花派駐台東,從代理知州到知州。


在帝國邊陲的邊陲,在帝國覆亡的最後兩年,一個知識分子,究竟能做什麼事?


胡傳一步一步走訪各個部落,留下最早漢人的台東田野調查第一手資料「台東州采訪冊」。


他走到今天的池上,沿著剛剛開始拓墾的海岸山脈新武呂溪沿岸,寫下了「新開園」的故事。


疫情期間我住在龍仔尾農舍,正是古稱「新開園」的最南端。


我讀鄭漢文校長臉書文字,他畢生奉獻於東部偏鄉部落兒童教育。

鄭先生梳理了新開園從清代以來的童蒙教育:


「光緒元年(1875),台灣南路理番同知袁聞柝,從府城移駐卑南。四年後,於池上新開園設番學」。


這是池上有兒童教育的開始嗎?

為什麼叫做「番學」?

大部分學童是原住民嗎?

我一連串的心中疑問。


「王凱泰的《訓番俚言》,

是首份也是唯一教材」。

教科書名稱「訓番」,今天讀到還是使人尷尬。


鄭漢文校長感嘆那樣的兒童教育:

「教法不得宜,以致番童荒怠。教師不忠於職守,多任一年即去職,十年後番學有名無實」。


要留在偏鄉部落實踐孩童教育需要多麼大的熱情毅力?

今天也還是如此嗎?


「1893)台東直隸知州呂兆璜

禀請增設義塾。

教番童識字讀四書,萬安莊塾於焉設立。學童十三四五人,

塾師每月束脩湘平銀10元。」


我從鄭校長的文字想像當地卑南或布農部落孩童,讀四書子曰詩云的場景。

教學與生活脫節,老師教不下去,學生也好像寧可逃學去山上狩獵山豬野羌?


「甲午(1894)戰後,

劉德杓在新開園負嵎頑抗,

最後的清軍殘餘在此告終」。

「新開園」慘烈抗日,然而無力回天,改朝換代了。


下面是日治時代新開園的兒童教育,許多資料保存在現在的福原國小。


「大正二年(1913),魏阿歪奉獻四分多地,就在保安宮南

設立新開園公學校。翌年改成新開園蕃人公學校」。

大清帝國改為日本帝國,「新開園」仍然是「番人公學校。」


接下來池上有了很大的改變,東部線火車通車,昭和十一年(1936)池上中心從東邊的「新開園」移至今天火車站附近,「新開園」被遺忘了,有了新名稱「池上」。

火車站旁有了新的「福原國小」。


1937年,堀尾一彥任福原國小校長。

他是乘坐火車到池上的嗎?


我坐在他當年住過的宿舍,想像他如何為他服務的帝國在遙遠的南方擘畫兒童教育。


我們常常被偉大的歷史淹沒,偉大卻又空洞。


也許我們可以像鄭漢文校長,談新開園,談「番人」教育,談如何落實小而真實的部落教育。

我也想重新認識福原國小,認識胡鐵花,或堀尾一彥。


一百年前,他們也看過我今日看到的大坡池的日出嗎?

八十年前,他們也聽過我今日聆聽的新武呂溪的潺潺水聲嗎?


有一天無力可以改變大歷史的時候,我能不能走向田野,親近天真的孩子,寫一本「台東州采訪冊」。

2023年8月16日 星期三

'MONKEY' (1942, Arthur Waley)。 西遊記全譯本英文THE JOURNEY TO THE WEST(1983/2013, 余國藩 ANTHONY C. YU)。林語


🐒林語堂:我們是人猿的子孫
󠀠
嗨嗨,我是堂編,最近大家有在看《山道猴子的一生》嗎?
很多人說,都在這部影片中看到了部分的自己,不是說大家都會飆車卡普,播著eurobeat在山道狂奔,而是在當中看到人性的脆弱,看到了人的本質,是那麼的real。
󠀠
談到人類本質,林語堂在他的著作《生活的藝術》中的第三章〈我們的動物性遺產〉,就用了很大的篇幅來討論人類與猴子的關係。林語堂直言「人類即是動物」這一點:
󠀠
「人類的天性是以我們動物世系為根據的......我們是人猿的子孫,於是我們終於能夠輕視我們的罪惡和缺點,同時讚嘆我們猴子式的聰明,這就是所謂人類喜劇的意識。」
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更進一步,林語堂將猴子演化人類進程與《西遊記》一同比較,他認為人類歷史的演進,與唐僧師徒到西天參聖行程是相似的。《西遊記》中的角色對應著人類的一些天性,語堂說:
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「孫悟空好似代表人類的智能,豬八戒代表較卑下的天性,沙和尚代表常識,玄奘法師則代表智慧和聖道。」
󠀠
林語堂形容這段往西天的旅程中,人性脆弱的本能也是不斷地暴露出來,人類如同孫悟空這個猴子,具有智能但也自大,有厲害的本能,但沒有穩定平和的個性,直至受到教訓才得以謙卑。
󠀠
儘管猴子的自大和惡作劇,林語堂認為牠是可愛的動物。如同人類一樣,人也有許多弱點和脆弱的本質,但也有他可取的一面,所以仍要必須愛人類。
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#猴子 #人類 #林語堂 #暑期大作 
#我跟你講



Anthony Christopher Yu (
Chinese余國藩pinyinYú Guófān; October 6, 1938 – May 12, 2015) 


The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 1, Yu
press.uchicago.edu › book › chicago

The book The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 1, Translated and Edited by Anthony C. Yu is published by University of Chicago Press.


The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 2, Yu
press.uchicago.edu › book › chicago

The book The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 2, Translated and Edited by Anthony C. Yu is published by University of Chicago Press.



The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 1

The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 1

279
TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY ANTHONY C. YU
576 pages | 1 halftone, 3 line drawings | 6 x 9 | © 1983, 2012
Anthony C. Yu’s translation of The Journey to the West,initially published in 1983, introduced English-speaking audiences to the classic Chinese novel in its entirety for the first time. Written in the sixteenth century, The Journey to the West tells the story of the fourteen-year pilgrimage of the monk Xuanzang, one of China’s most famous religious heroes, and his three supernatural disciples, in search of Buddhist scriptures. Throughout his journey, Xuanzang fights demons who wish to eat him, communes with spirits, and traverses a land riddled with a multitude of obstacles, both real and fantastical. An adventure rich with danger and excitement, this seminal work of the Chinese literary canonis by turns allegory, satire, and fantasy.

With over a hundred chapters written in both prose and poetry, The Journey to the West has always been a complicated and difficult text to render in English while preserving the lyricism of its language and the content of its plot. But Yu has successfully taken on the task, and in this new edition he has made his translations even more accurate and accessible. The explanatory notes are updated and augmented, and Yu has added new material to his introduction, based on his original research as well as on the newest literary criticism and scholarship on Chinese religious traditions. He has also modernized the transliterations included in each volume, using the now-standard Hanyu Pinyin romanization system. Perhaps most important, Yu has made changes to the translation itself in order to make it as precise as possible.

One of the great works of Chinese literature, The Journey to the West is not only invaluable to scholars of Eastern religion and literature, but, in Yu’s elegant rendering, also a delight for any reader.
Close
Preface to Revised Edition
Preface to First Edition

Abbreviations

Introduction

1 The divine root conceives, its source revealed;
Mind and nature nurtured, the Great Dao is born.

2 Fully awoke to Bodhi’s wondrous truths,
He cuts off Māra, returns to the root, and joins Primal Spirit.

3 Four Seas and a Thousand Mountains all bow to submit;
From Ninefold Darkness ten species’ names are removed.

4 Appointed a BanHorse, could he be content?
Named Equal to Heaven, he’s still not appeased.

5 Disrupting the Peach Festival, the Great Sage steals elixir;
With revolt in Heaven, many gods would seize the fiend.

6 Guanyin, attending the banquet, inquires into the cause;
The Little Sage, exerting his power, subdues the Great Sage.

7 From the Eight Trigrams Brazier the Great Sage escapes;
Beneath the Five Phases Mountain, Mind Monkey is still.

8 Our Buddha makes scriptures to impart ultimate bliss;
Guanyin receives the decree to go up to Chang’an.

9 Chen Guangrui, going to his post, meets disaster;
Monk River Float, avenging his parents, repays his roots.

10 The Old Dragon King’s foolish schemes transgress Heaven’s decree;
Prime Minister Wei’s letter seeks help from an official of the dead.

11 Having toured the Underworld, Taizong returns to life;
Having presented melons and fruits, Liu Quan marries again.

12 The Tang emperor, firmly sincere, convenes a Grand Mass;
Guanyin, in epiphany, converts Gold Cicada.

13 In the den of tigers, the Gold Star brings deliverance;
At Double-Fork Ridge, Boqin detains the monk.

14 Mind Monkey returns to the Right;
The Six Robbers vanish from sight.

15 At Serpent Coil Mountain, the gods give secret protection;
At Eagle Grief Stream, the Horse of the Will is reined.

16 At Guanyin Hall the monks plot for the treasure;
At Black Wind Mountain a monster steals the cassock.

17 Pilgrim Sun greatly disturbs Black Wind Mountain;
Guanshiyin brings to submission the bear monster.

18 At Guanyin Hall the Tang Monk leaves his ordeal;
At Gao Village the Great Sage casts out the monster.

19 At Cloudy Paths Cave, Wukong takes in Eight Rules;
At Pagoda Mountain, Tripitaka receives the Heart Sūtra.

20 At Yellow Wind Ridge the Tang Monk meets adversity;
In mid- mountain, Eight Rules strives to be first.

21 The Vihārapālas prepare lodging for the Great Sage;
Lingji of Sumeru crushes the wind demon.

22 Eight Rules fights fiercely at Flowing-Sand River;
Mokṣa by order receives Wujing’s submission.

23 Tripitaka does not forget his origin;
The Four Sages test the priestly mind.

24 At Long Life Mountain the Great Immortal detains his old friend;
At Five Villages Abbey, Pilgrim steals the ginseng fruit.

25 The Zhenyuan Immortal gives chase to catch the scripture monk;
Pilgrim Sun greatly disturbs Five Villages Abbey.

Notes
Index


----

THE COMPLETE 'MONKEY'


By David Lattimore
March 6, 1983


THE JOURNEY TO THE WEST Translated and Edited by Anthony C. Yu. Volume One. 530 pp. Cloth, $35. Paper, $8.95. Volume Two. 438 pp. Cloth, $35. Paper, $12.50. Volume Three. 454 pp. Cloth, $35. Volume Four. 45l pp. Cloth, $35. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
IN 1942 Arthur Waley, the foremost British translator of Chinese and Japanese literature, published in England a book called ''Monkey,'' an adventurous fantasy paraphrased from certain chapters of an old novel, known in its 16th-century Chinese original as ''Xiyou ji'' (''The Journey to the West''). In 1943 - just 40 years ago - there followed an American edition of the Waley book. I turned 12 that year and got a copy for my birthday. I read and reread it; I drew illustrations for it; and for weeks or months I tagged along, in imagination, with its impudent and valiant hero, the Monkey King, as he established his reign over the Cave of the Water Curtain, learned martial and magic arts, extorted a wonder-working cudgel from the Dragon of the Eastern Sea, raided Hell and Heaven, stole Laozi's elixir, was punished by Buddha and redeemed himself as the faithful (although not very well-behaved) disciple of an absurdly incompetent saint, Tripitaka, with whom he trudged westward to the Vulture Peak in search of holy sutras and shastras - fighting demons all the way, of course. For a boy of 12 it was a delectable introduction to Chinese literature. ''Monkey'' is still a minor landmark of 20th-century English translation. Edith Sitwell judged shrewdly its fit of style to matter, praising its ''absence of shadow, like the clearance and directness of Monkey's mind''; she called it ''a masterpiece of right sound.''
Honor where honor is due. Waley's ''Monkey'' has several sorts of permanent value. But it must now relinquish its always slender claim to represent, with any degree of substantiality, the Chinese original. Waley may have caught the color of Monkey's mind, but in his 300 pages, rendering less than a third of the complete work, he made no attempt to capture the scale of the original ''Journey to the West'': its spiritual depths or its rich variations of style. To judge these things, the reader of English will now turn to a version that quite magnificently supersedes Waley's: ''The Journey to the West,'' edited and translated by Anthony C. Yu, who is a professor in the Divinity School - and also in the departments of English and of Far Eastern Languages - at the University of Chicago. The appearance of the fourth volume now -the first three were issued in 1977, 1978 and 1980 -completes one of the great ventures of our time inhumanistic translation and publication. Like most of the large and artistically important Chinese novels, ''The Journey to the West'' dates from the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Some of these novels have undergone massive expansions and contractions over the centuries, and it can be extremely difficult to tell which versions are older or more authoritative. The textual history of ''The Journey to the West'' is relatively simple. The standard modern version, translated by Mr. Yu, is substantially the same as what is thought to be the first edition, in 100 chapters, published (the author was anonymous) at Nanjing in 1592. (Mr. Yu's version differs from this mainly by the addition of a single episode, drawn from a short version of the novel dating to about the same era.) The narrative is mostly in a polished vernacular prose, but about 750 poems and verse passages in an older and more classical language are interspersed through the book. These introduce, summarize or comment upon the action, sometimes in the arcane language of mythology or alchemy, or they provide descriptive set-pieces - landscapes, battles, banquets. They may suggest the turning of the seasons and thus the passage of time during the long westward pilgrimage, or they may permit a warrior - whether priest or demon - to make his brag before combat. Mr. Yu has translated all of this, giving us for the first time the whole of ''The Journey to the West'' in English - in 1,873 pages. It is the tale of a monk sent to heaven in quest of the basic Buddhist scriptures, accompanied by a Sand Monk, a Monkey King and a pig spirit, among others; their adventures occur on many literary and intellectual levels at once in a story that moves with surprising speed through its many chapters.
Everything about ''The Journey to the West'' suggests a basically intact text by a single author. As a poet, the author enjoys showing off his mastery of every verse form, from the four-line jue-ju to lengthy ''rhymeprose'' (fu) and his own idiosyncratic expansion of the aria form (qu) used in song cycles and operas since the Mongol Yuan dynasty. Yet poetry and prose harmonize throughout in a functional way. The verse is simple, lively and descriptive. The way it naturally fits into the prose has helped insure its survival, since verse has disappeared from many of the old Chinese novels. The poetry in this one concentrates our vision, thrusting us among the concrete details of life, rendering everything visible, smellable, tangible. Thus the monkey hero, on a spying mission, transforms himself into a moth: A small shape with light, agile wings, He dives to snuff candles and lamps. By metamorphosis he gains his true form, Most active midst rotted grasses. He strikes flames for love of hot light, Flying, circling without ceasing. Purple-robed, fragrant-winged, chasing the fireflies, He likes most the deep windless night.


The author loves to stroke his characters: ''Dear Monkey!'' ''Dear monster!'' ''Dear wind!'' Dear men!'' But who was this good-humored author? We do not know. In the 1920's an old theory was revived by the modern scholar Hu Shih, claiming authorship for a certain Wu Cheng-en, a minor author of Huai-an in Jiangsu, where the Grand Canal used to cross the Yellow River. In an introduction to the 1943 American edition of Waley, Hu Shih - who by then was Chinese Ambassador in Washington - wrote that the local history or gazetteer of Huai-an, dated 1625, ''definitely recorded that the novel . . . was written by him . . . the first Chinese novel of which the authorship is now authentically established.'' The Ambassador's confidence was quite unjustified. What the gazetteer says is that Wu wrote something called ''The Journey to the West.'' It mentions nothing about a novel. The work in question could have been any version of our story, or something else entirely. In a bibliography of the time it is listed as a work of geography. Although some libraries probably catalogue ''The Journey to the West'' under Wu Cheng-en's name, that name does not appear on the title page of Anthony Yu's translation.
Despite the clear handiwork of one author throughout, this is by no means a story made of whole cloth. Its main source is well known. It is the story of Tripitaka, an actual monk - his religious name was Xuan-zang - who lived from 602 to 664. He was given the title Tripitaka, which means ''the three baskets'' or, so to speak, three testaments of the Buddhist scriptures, by a Chinese emperor. The title was appropriate, since in the words of the eminent Buddhologist Paul Demieville he was ''the Saint Jerome of Chinese Buddhism,'' greatest among the hundred-odd Chinese ''scripture pilgrims'' who went to India in search of holy writ between the third and eighth centuries. Tripitaka left China for 16 years, beginning probably in 627. He spent 12 years in India, where he mastered Sanskrit, and he returned to China with 657 scriptural and other texts, 75 of which he with his helpers translated into Chinese.
THE accounts of the monk's career come from disciples who had access to his own papers, and they are relatively free of legendary material, even though they record a few visions and probably exaggerate Tripitaka's triumphs as a court figure, religious debater and outwitter of bandits in India and Central Asia. At some unknown stage, however, Tripitaka's story entered the world of popular storytelling, accumulating legendary material in profusion. Very likely Tripitaka became a subject of bian-wen, morally instructive song-and-story routines performed by mendicant Buddhist entertainers in late Tang times. From the Song dynasty (960-1,280) we have two Chinese chapbooks preserved by chance in the Kozanji Monastery near Kyoto, Japan. These books, a humble reflection of the professional storytelling art practiced at that time in urban teahouses, present a form of the Tripitaka story that must already have required many evenings of serial narration to relate in full. In them Tripitaka had already acquired superhero disciplines, along with the Monkey King and the pig spirit Zhu Ba-jie, known also as Idiot (or in Waley as Pigsy).
By the 14th century the multiple episodes of these stories may or may not have been assembled in a novel. Operas based on the Tripitaka cycle survive from that time. Perhaps not until the anonymous 100-chapter novel of 1592, however, did the crucial change occur, with Monkey displacing Tripitaka as the principal character, arrogating to himself the opening seven chapters of ''The Journey to the West.''
Men of the early republican period, like Hu Shih, felt that traditional vernacular novels such as ''The Journey to the West'' ought to serve as a new kind of classic, lending authority to modern schooling in vernacular Chinese, just as the Confucian classics had lent authority to schooling in the ancient Chinese that had prevailed down to the time of World War I.




But Hu Shih's contemporaries were ambivalent about the old novels. Their episodic form was an embarrassment because it was not ''modern'' by the standards of European naturalism and realism. Their allegorical content was an embarrassment because it was Confucian and thus reactionary, and Buddhist or Taoist and thus superstitious. Of the ideological matter in ''The Journey to the West'' the most salvageable, for Hu, was the satire, especially the portrayal of the heavenly bureaucracy as a caricature of the earthly, imperial bureaucracy. Indeed, while there is much spiritual doctrine in ''The Journey to the West,'' nothing is sacrosanct. Buddha's own disciples demand cumshaw before yielding the scriptures sought by the pilgrims, giving the bribe-taker's usual self-justification: ''If we imparted the scriptures to you gratis, our posterity would starve to death!'' That from a pair of celestial celibates.

ANTHONY C. YU belongs to a newer generation of scholars who have come to appreciate much more fully than those of Hu Shih's time the intellectual, allegorical side of old Chinese fiction. The most original part of his splendidly comprehensive 62-page introduction to the ''Journey'' gives us a glimpse of his own investigations into relations between the novel and obscure portions of the vast, littleknown Taoist canon. While his translation does full justice to the adventure, lyricism and buffoonery of ''The Journey to the West,'' it is completely sensitive to the spiritual content of the text as well.

''The Journey to the West'' embodies several kinds of stories that either are or tend to stand for a spiritual drama. First, like the Gospels, the Arthurian and Robin Hood stories and the Chinese novel ''Water Margin'' (also known as ''All Men Are Brothers'' or ''The Outlaws of the Marshes''), it is the story of the gathering of a brotherhood - in this case the band of pilgrims including Tripitaka, Monkey, Idiot, Sand-Monk and their horse which is a small transformed dragon. Second, like the Grail legend and most fairy stories, ''The Journey to the West'' is a quest. The quest is a drama of perils overcome, often after initial failure, perils that commonly take the form of a temptation. The quest as a whole is penitential: Idiot and Sand-Monk are celestial immortals banished to earth, one for flirting with a moon spirit, the other for breaking a glass at a heavenly banquet. The horse is a young cut-up who set fire to the house of his dragon father. Even Tripitaka is a fallen spirit, the Buddha's own disciple Golden Cicada, who fell asleep during a lecture by the Master and so must undergo purgation through 81 tribulations.

In part, ''The Journey to the West'' is an allegory too, but only in part. At one point Monkey murders six robbers who must be taken as what Buddhists think of as six senses. A typical little allegorical touch occurs later, when some bodhisattvas test the pilgrims' purity by appearing to them as wealthy beauties; Idiot, succumbing as usual, finds that their house contains lofty thresholds, ''causing him constantly to stumble and fall.'' A character in strict allegory, however, is a personification and not a person, only an aspect of people and their experiences, such as a virtue, vice, passion or faculty. But Tripitaka himself began as a historical person, not a personification. In ''The Journey to the West'' he has been said to stand for Everyman, but that would not distinguish him from any other major figure in novels. The character of Monkey in this book may have derived in some way from Chinese folklore, from the monkeyfamiliar Hanumat in the Indian ''Ramayana'' epic, or from both; in ''The Journey to the West'' he is one of several animal spirits, among whom are a bear and a mink that have become Taoist immortals. Monkey, like Tripitaka, begins as a kind of person, not a personification.

But undeniably he has become, in part, a personification. In a very ancient Buddhist formula, cited several times in the novel, he is the ''monkey of the mind.'' As Monkey stands for mind, so Idiot stands for body; inside his hoggish bulk lurks the uncontrollable domestic tenderness of Papageno.

The Mind-Monkey, then, is partly an abstraction. Not only that, but he has been abstracted from Tripitaka, leaving that saint an astonishingly stupid figure, compared with his historical original. In this novel, Tripitaka is humanness minus intelligence, which therefore cannot survive without its intelligent monkey servant. By himself Tripitaka hangs onto the purity and kindliness of the self; yet he is sluggish, petty-minded, lacking in judgment, able only to worry and whimper through his 81 ordeals. His purity, incidentally, creates hazards. Having totally retained his semen through 10 incarnations, he represents a concentration of ''primal yang'' that is enormously tempting to monsters, male and female, who stand to gain greater power, the males by devouring him, the females by seducing him. However, it is only the human Tripitaka who can win the scriptures from heaven, walking there at a human pace. Mind-Monkey and pig-body must restrain themselves and accompany him. They themselves can fly through the air, wielding mighty weapons, but they cannot lift and transport the weight of a human soul.

IN contrast to the pedestrian Tripitaka, Monkey is all energy and impetuousness. A central insight of the book is that intelligence, on its own, rushes headlong, far ahead of judgment and compassion. And total commitment is one of the gifts of intelligence, so Monkey begins with total commitment to Taoist self-cultivation and ends with total commitment to the Buddhist quest. Mr. Yu, among others, has observed that ''The Journey to the West'' represents not merely the jumble of religions in folk belief but an intelligent Ming movement to syncretize Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism. The monkey is an intelligence that has mastered Taoist powers but must learn the meekness and compassion of Buddhism.


In the West we are familiar with novels, such as ''Don Quixote'' and ''Madame Bovary,'' about those who have been led astray by novels. ''The Journey to the West'' translates a novel about a great translator. I am glad, though, that Mr. Yu has cast his translation more in the Mind-Monkey's vivid spirit than in the pallid spirit of the translator Tripitaka as this novel represents him. With Monkey's utter candor, but also with something of Monkey's grace and strength, Mr. Yu cavorts fearlessly, and in graphic, uncondescending literalness, through more than 81 difficulties. This is the most exciting translation of any book I have read in quite some time.

If you know a 12-year-old, give him or her the ''Monkey'' of Arthur Waley. Do not be surprised, though, if your 12-year-old comes back for more - for the whole thing, Mr. Yu's ''Journey to the West.'' And read it yourself. It will win you merit on your own westward journey to the Spirit Mountain of Tathagata.

2023年8月15日 星期二

施蟄存《知己之感》、鄒文海; Harold Laski




知 己 之 感


  《新文學史料》今年第二期發表了葉聖陶先生的日記:《在上海的三年》,其中與我有關的有兩段:一九四六年六月三日,記云:「朱經農來,言擬好好辦光華大學,邀余與予同任教,並托余拉施蟄存為國文系主任。余言自己不任大學教師,拉施君則可以效力,因致書蟄存。」又,七月三十一日記云:「施蟄存來,渠已允就暨南教職,因可有房子住,光華方面只得辭卻。」
  這件事,我早已忘卻,如果不見聖翁的日記,恐怕永遠不會回憶到。現在,聖翁的日記幫助我回憶起這件事,同時也使我想到這件事一直是一個未解的謎。
  我於一九四六年春,從福建三元隨江蘇學院復員,先在上海家裡住了一二個月,訪問了多年未見的老朋友,也到開明書店去過,見到葉聖陶、周予同、王伯祥、徐調孚諸人。隨後我就到徐州江蘇學院新校舍授課。在徐州,我收到葉聖陶的信,問我下學期的工作情況。他說,朱經農將出任光華大學校長,正在組織教師班子。希望我去光華當中文系主任,托他寫信徵詢。我收到聖陶的信後,覺得一時還無法決定。雖然我很想回上海工作,但江蘇學院能否同意,還未可知。因此,我就覆信給聖陶,請他轉達朱經農,且待放暑假時回滬再說,好在只有一個多月了。
  七月中旬,我回上海遇到劉大傑,才知道他已決定就暨南大學校長李壽雍之聘,任暨大文學院長。同時才知道江蘇學院同事鄒文海亦已決定為暨大教務長,周栴為法律系主任,他們和李壽雍都是舊交,我又知道江蘇學院院長戴克光本人也在活動換一個工作,這樣我自己就決定脫離江蘇學院,由劉大傑、鄒文海的推薦,接受了暨南大學的聘書。這一決定的主要動力,是因為暨大在辣斐德路(今復興中路)分配到一座大樓,作為教師宿舍,我雖家在上海,但老家人口多,擠不下,要想把小家庭分出去。暨大庶務處在大樓中分配給我二個房間,一西一東,便解決了我的居住問題。因此,我於七月三十一到開明書店編輯部拜訪聖陶,把我的情況告訴他,並請他代我向朱經農道歉。
  聖翁日記中所記的這件事,就這樣結束了。但它始終留下了一個謎,使我不解,我和朱經農毫無關係,也沒有見過,他為什麼忽然看中我,要我去當中文系主任?起初我以為是由於周予同或葉聖陶的推薦,但一問之後,才知並非如此。當時雖然各大學之間消息靈通,但這件事卻沒有人說起,這個謎從一九四六年到一九八六年六月,我始終無法解釋,甚至連這件事也早已忘了。
  最近,有一個朋友從青海來信告訴我:在新出版的《胡適來往書信選》中有一封信中提到過我的名字。我和胡適也未曾有過關係,更未嘗通信,這部書中怎麼會有我的名字?趕緊去把這部三厚冊的《書信選》借來,果然在中卷第64頁上看到一封朱經農致胡適的信,內容是向胡適匯報中國公學情況的。其中有一段云:「文理科學長由黨部推薦李青崖主持,弟以其與君武先生感情素好,又為黨部所推重,當可持中庸之態度。不期其對楊鴻烈兄竟不能相容,其態度之狹隘令人失望。此次文理科教授變動最多,文史系方面新請教員,大抵為文學研究會中人,如鄭振鐸、李石岑、孫俍工、施蟄存等,也還過得去。……其組織最弱者為法科之政治經濟系,將來若有問題,必從此系發生,葉秋原為系主任,已覺平常,教授亦無出色者,學生甚盼一涵回來,然一涵決不肯來……
  我看到這封信,才恍然大悟,解決了一九四六年的謎。原來中國公學的這一件事,我也早已忘記得一乾二淨,沒有這封信的幫助,連回憶都無法追尋了。
  這是在一九三一年春,我在辦水沫書店。李青崖來邀我到吳淞中國公學去擔任文預科的國文課教員,每週去二次,每次上課二小時。當時我以為李青崖只是新任國文系主任,卻不知道他還是文理科學長。我在水沫書店的編輯工作,是半僱員,半朋友義務,每月支取的生活費不到一百元,正想在上海找個固定的副業,以貼補生活,李青崖答應我每教時三元的薪給,對我不無小補,我就答應下來。過了幾天,他送來了一份聘書:寫明聘請我為預科兼任教授,沒有任課時數及薪給數,由校長馬君武署名簽發。算來這大約是一九三一年三月間的事。
  我原來只是個中學教師,沒有教過大學生,到中國公學上課,教的是大學預科一年級生,只等於現在的高中二年級,上國文課也並不感到困難。在每次到校上課的時候,才知道這個學校已鬧過幾次學潮,李青崖進中國公學後,解聘了國文系教授楊鴻烈,馬宗霍,他們都是胡適當校長時聘請來的,學生也都滿意。李青崖突然解聘了這二位;拉進了自己的朋友,學生中頗有波動。我莫名其妙的成為李青崖的私人。馬宗霍被解聘後,拂袖而去。楊鴻烈的表現很不好,他住在校舍中,硬是不肯遷出,還大罵李青崖,弄得很僵。葉秋原是我的朋友,杭州人,新從美國得了一個社會學碩士學位回來。李青崖請葉秋原來代替高一涵,當然比不上,學生聽過高一涵的課,再聽葉秋原的課,當然會感到「平常」。
  我到中國公學上課不到三星期,學潮又起,不過我並不清楚其中黨派鬥爭的真相,只是有好幾次去上課,都碰上學生罷課,聽聽學生的控訴,顯然有「擁馬」和「倒馬」二派。
  大約馬君武校長此時已不到校,我也沒有機會見到他。
  我在中國公學任課,勉強維持到六月,學潮未平息,提前放暑假,於是結束了我的教學任務。馬君武、李青崖都下了台,下學期學校也不請我了。
  朱經農這封信寫於一九三一年五月十日,正是我在中國公學兼課的時候;這時他已就任中國公學副校長之職,馬君武已去,李青崖仍在。正校長邵力子,是掛名的。胡適是中國公學董事長,所以朱經農常有信給胡適。匯報中國公學情況。《書信選》中朱經農給胡適的信,關於中國公學的,不止一封,我在這些信中,才知道當年中國公學的內幕,這些情況,當時都一點也不知道。
  朱經農對李青崖很不滿意,在這封信中卻提到我,和鄭振鐸、孫俍工、李石岑一起,許為「也還過得去」的教員,可見他對我們四人,並不因為是李青崖的私人而有所歧視。不過,對於鄭振鐸、李石岑、孫俍工三位,「也還過得去」的評價似乎太低了。至於我,自己知道,作為初出茅廬的大學教師,確是剛剛及格而已。
  十六年之後,朱經農還想請我去擔任光華大學中文系主任,可知他對我一直在注意,認為從前那個「過得去」的教員可以當系主任了。但是我始終沒有見過朱經農的面,也絕不知道這些情況。直到最近幾天接連看到葉聖陶的日記和朱經農給胡適的信,這個謎才得到解釋。
  古人云:「人生得一知己,可以無憾。」知己朋友,確是難得,平時最相熟的朋友,也未必就是知己,素不相識的人,更不易成為知己。朱經農從來沒有在我的師友之列,可是,他關心了我十六年之久,我卻絕不知道,直到四十年以後的今天,才明白過來,我豈能沒有知己之感,可惜我感得太遲了。
            一九八六年十月五日


hc案
夏日最后一朵玫瑰(記憶施蜇存) ---是一本很不錯的選集, 許多篇有內容。
將幾年前的一些筆記取出:

2004年4月
施蟄存先生(1905 -2003)
施蜇存一生的工作可以分為四個時期:1937年以前,除進行編輯工作外,主要創作短篇小說、詩歌及翻譯外國文學;抗日戰爭期間進行散文創作;1950年—1958年期間,翻譯了200萬字的外國文學作品;1958年以後,致力於古典文學和碑版文物的研究工作。
他曾指出,楊絳先生的『洗澡』,用了些「後世」之語言。譬如說:「……1952年還沒有『胃癌』這個詞,只有『胃潰瘍』、『胃出血』。」;
「『裝書的紙箱』,可以疊扁了放在角落裡』。這種紙箱,1952年還沒有。」等等。(參考施蟄存《讀楊絳《洗澡》》,1989:鍾漢清謹以此短文紀念施蟄存先生。)

作品最全者以2001年華東師範大學出版社出版《施蟄存文集•文學創作篇》第二、三卷,《北山散文集》,以及《唐詩百話》、《北山談藝錄續編》。


我們以前談Peter Gay《史尼茨勒的世紀;布爾喬亞經驗一百年》(梁永安譯,台北:立緒,2004,正文419頁,附圖集及人名索引10頁,名詞索引18頁,唯缺主題(忘掉他是最早從英文翻譯其作品的—問題是他的譯名都與現在通用者"施尼茨勒 vs史尼茨勒"不同 所以很南檢索出來,參考《北山散文集》(此書為寶庫 幾乎應有盡有…譬如說解釋杜甫戲為六絕句…翻譯狄更斯小說中的旅館….)或參考李歐梵《世紀的代言人》載《慶祝施蟄存教授百歲華誕文集》,pp.12-13,載30年代施先生即有Schnitzler的小說數本。可見這位「20世紀的代言人」的承先啟後之功。這是目前找到的華人最早有點研究「冷門而主力者」之紀錄。

「……(Fred) Rogers請著名的音樂家馬友友來演奏大提琴,馬友友一開始就閉著眼睛在拉琴,好像很陶醉的樣子;女兒於是拍手叫道:『真好,他在睡覺也能演奏,Good for him!』。」(p.432;孫康宜《「童化」與「教化」》載《慶祝施蟄存教授百歲華誕文集》pp.430-34)


昔日讀施蟄存教授雜文,他的「恩人」施老先生知道上海等地在演《紅鼻子》,講一則姚先生戰時在防空洞與其女友過份熱情險被開除之故事(「躲戰火而搬到長汀,仍需以校為家,……」)。我記這八卦,表示人生種種情感和際遇,豈翻譯所能盡意。

施蟄存:〈《明人小品選》序〉,見《施蟄存七十年文選》,上海:上海文藝出版社,1996。


2004年6月
記下讀施蟄存先生作品,查字典的筆記:
「梅雨不住,樓居無俚。取四印齋刻況蕙風校補《斷腸詞》閱之,覺取捨之間未為精審,怯疑辨偽,復無判斷。……」施蟄存《北山樓校定斷腸詞一卷》

無俚
俚(教育部 國語辭典)
鄙俗。《漢書˙卷六十二˙司馬遷傳˙贊曰》:辨而不華,質而不俚。文選˙王 ˙四子講德論:俚人不識,寡見尟聞。
 通俗的、民間流行的。如:俚語、俚歌。

依託、聊賴。《漢書˙卷三十七˙季布等傳˙贊曰》:「夫婢妾賤人,感概而自殺,非能勇也,其畫無俚之至耳。」《顏師古˙注引晉灼曰》「:此為其計畫無所聊賴,至於自殺耳。」


書籍:
作者:hc
時間◎ 施蟄存《〈戴望舒譯詩集〉序》,《文藝百話》第224頁,華東師範大學出版社,1994年。按,由戴望舒和杜衡合譯的這部《道生詩歌全集》也有部分曾在當時刊物上發表,如署名戴望舒、杜衡譯的《道生詩抄》載於1929年11月15日出版的《新文藝》第1卷第3號,"全集"則在戴望舒死後由施蟄存保存,居然無損無厄,如今已全部編入浙江文藝出版社1989年出版的《戴望舒詩全編》中。:2004-07-04 21:29
整詩都為異域型像和想像 當然比"異香"好 (in my humble opinion)
施蟄存先生
一點淺見
這是首Beadelaire寫情婦(Antillaise安地列斯)的詩,故而"exotic"。
你翻譯的似乎嫌保守。"異香"沒能表達出來。有些地方失之"直譯"。


hc案 這是一本很不錯的選集 許多篇有內容

夏日最后一朵玫瑰(记忆施蜇存)

陈子善編 上海书店出版社 2008




点击图片,查看下一张




*****
2小時 · 

葉浩新增了 2 張新相片


【紀念兩位政治思想史上的失蹤人口】

本週六政大政治系即將舉辦一場慶祝創系六十週年的研討會,我被分配負責書寫一篇關於鄒文海的文章。雖然文章還沒開始寫,但就目前所搜集的資料,倒是相當訝異:何以一個曾經影響巨大的思想家可以消失於學術界,成為思想史上的失蹤人口?

鄒文海(1908-70)是民國初期至六十年代的重要法政學者,1930年畢業於國立清華大學政治系後留校任教,1935年赴英國倫敦政經學院師從「費邊社」(Fabian Society)領導人物拉斯基,1937年返國之後先後任教於國立湖南大學,國立廈門大學,國立暨南大學,1949年渡海來台出任台灣省裡行政專科學校教務主任與法商學院(今中興大學)教授,1955年國立政治大學復校之後受聘為政治系教授,直到1970年病逝。


他的主要作品包括《自由與權力》、《代議政治 》、《各國政府與政治》、《比較憲法》,《政治思想史稿》以及一本多達25版的《政治學》教科書,照理說對台灣的政治學發展有深遠影響,但對於當前台灣的政治學界幾乎等同於不曾存在。

鄒文海的老師拉斯基(Harold Laski, 1893-1950) 則更神!根據美國學者John L. Stanley,戰間期的拉斯基同時被認為是「社會主義的燈塔」與「自由主義一盞明燈」,而著名作家Kingsley Martin更是稱西方的三十年代為「拉斯基年代」。然而,他也幾乎消失於西方的政治思想學界!

拉斯基1914年畢業於牛津大學,兩年後赴北美,同時任教於加拿大的麥基爾大學與美國哈佛大學,自1919年起也在耶魯大學兼課,並參與紐約的「社會研究新學院」(New School for Social Research)之創辦工作。1920年,拉斯基返回英國任教於倫敦政經學院政府系,1926年出任講座教授直到過世,期間有兩年(1945-6)也曾出任英國工黨的主席,是邱吉爾的主要政敵之一。

上世紀二十至三十年代,從世界各地前往倫敦聽他講課的追隨者眾多,包括之後擔任印度首任總統的聶魯(Jawahalal Nehru)與第十任總統納拉亞南(K. R. Narayanan)。據說,曾經有很長的時間印度內閣開會的時候會保留一個空位,象徵對拉斯基的敬意@@

他的學生也包括後來成為美國總統的約翰・甘迺迪。約翰・甘迺迪的哥哥是拉斯基的超級粉絲,因此他也遠從美國來到倫敦聽課,之後並且書寫了一本《英格蘭何以沉睡》(Why England Slept)。他的父親當時擔任美國駐英大使,為了想讓孩子出名而邀請拉斯基寫序。然而,拉斯基卻斷然拒絕,甚至白目地批評該書是一個「心智尚未成熟的人」所胡謅的東西!

雖然至今尚未引起國內學者重視,但是拉斯基也曾影響民國政治。在美國受業於他的學生包括金岳霖、張奚若、蔣廷黻等人。二十年代赴倫敦受其指導論文者包括徐志摩、羅隆基、杭立武、陳源、王造時等。三十年代則更多,慕名聽課者包括儲安平、王鐵崖、蕭亁、費孝通,而程滄波、王贛愚、龔祥瑞、吳恩裕以及鄒文海則是拉斯基親自指導的學生。

根據許紀霖的整理,三十年代支持民主自由的中國知識份子,可分成兩派,一派深受杜威等人影響的自由主義,另一派則是以拉斯基「費邊主義」為核心的社會主義,並以後者為主流,也就是所謂的「拉派」。

事實上,拉派的成員,除了上述的諸多拉斯基學生之外,或許可包括曾經十分推崇拉斯基與費邊主義的胡適,以及親自翻譯拉斯基名著《政治典範》(A Grammar of Politics)的張君勱,亦及《中華民國憲法》的主要起草人。

張君勱是徐志摩前妻張幼儀的哥哥,曾因為徐志摩的介紹與拉斯基見過面。(小摩,拉斯基曾說,他見你的時間不多,而且都不在課堂上,想必沒有冤枉你~)

至於張君勱翻譯拉斯基的契機,則更令人玩味,是因為當時擔任校長的國立政治大學被國民黨政府給下令關門,才得以進行。政府下令關校的理由是因為張君勱拒絕命令,不願意全校每天清晨集體朗讀「總理遺訓」!(看來,並非名字叫「國立政治大學」的就一定是黨校呀@@⋯⋯ 當然,誰有骨氣,誰就被關掉 )

拉斯基的左派立場於四十年代從中間偏左轉為激進,甚至主張革命,不僅工黨之後與其劃清界線,也從此與學術界日行漸遠,在倫敦政經學院的地位也逐漸由海耶克與波普爾所取代。

晚年的胡適也轉向支持海耶克,並批評拉斯基。殷海光的自由主義於是始於海耶克與波普爾。在台灣,拉斯基的思想從此僅存於鄒文海的著作,而隨著鄒文海的消失也就石沈大海了~~

一個如此影響世界的思想家竟然可以消失地如此乾淨,唉...... 活著的人爭啥呀?!