2014年1月28日 星期二

自由民主的國家從來不是一幫奴才建成的。

爭取你自己權權利,就是爭取國家的權利;爭取你自己的自由,就是爭取國家的自由,一個自由民主的國家從來不是一幫奴才建成的。
(出處待查)



一分鐘閱讀
1936年生,1956年開始寫作及編輯生涯,至今逾50年,任《七十年代》(後改名《九十年代》)總編輯28年。50多年來不間斷地在報刊寫小品文和政論,編輯和寫作均秉持忠於自己、質疑權貴、就事論事、不怕獨持異見的原則。近年有《細味人生100篇》《閱讀人生100篇》《感悟人生100篇》三本新書。
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胡適:國家不是奴才建起來的       2013-09-23
字型︰最小字型適中字型最大字型

  五四新文化運動的旗手胡適說過:「爭你自己的自由就是爭國家的自由,爭你自己的權利就是爭國家的權利。因為自由平等的國家不是一群奴才建造得起來的!」

  世界上有兩種國家,一種是統治者的權力最大化的國家,一種是公民權利最大化的國家。前者我們稱之為專權政治的國家,後者是自由平等法治的國家。

  權力與權利,發音相近,但意義大不同。權力是指大大小小的管治權;權利則指人民享有種種作為人的應有權利,或指人權。在專權政治的體制,統治者的權力由打江山取得全部,然後等級授權分給各級的管治者,而人民的生存權利則是掌權者為免人民反抗而讓渡出來的。掌權者沒有經過人民投票的授權,所以是權力私有制,也是權力至上的社會。

  公民權利最大化的社會,以憲法保障人民的自由和法律權利為社會基礎,以人民的政治權利為權力來源,通過投票授予管治者在特定時間施政的權力。因此可視為權力公有制的社會。

  胡適這段話的意思就是說,如果你置身於專權政治的國家,你爭個人的自由和權利,也等於是爭取國家成為一個以維護人民的自由和權利為基礎的、公民權利最大化的國家。所以,爭自己的自由、權利就等於爭國家的自由、權利。因為沒有公民的自由權利的國家,無疑就是由一群奴才支撐起來的國家。

  本文摘自香港電台第一台 (FM92.6-94.4) 李怡主持的《一分鐘閱讀》。該節目逢周一至周五播出,並存載於港台網站 (rthk.hk)。

這張名字是簡體字。

2014年1月15日 星期三

1948年4月8日: 我對他說:黨的最高幹部敢反對總裁的主張,這是好現狀,不是壞現狀。他再三表示要我組織政黨,我對他說,我不配組黨。我向他建議,國民黨最好分化作兩三個政黨。



 這是我認為重要的胡蔣關係日記。


在1947年和1948年間,蔣介石曾要胡適入國民黨的政府,胡適帶病出席了蔣介石的邀請,他在日記中說: HC案: 1948年4月8日
"下午八點,到主席官邸吃晚飯,別無他客,蔣夫人也不出來。九點二十分,始辭出。
蔣公向我致歉意。他說,他的建議是他在牯嶺考慮的結果 (按: 希望胡適之先生選總統,蔣當行政院院長),不幸黨內沒有紀律,他的政策行不通。
我對他說:黨的最高幹部敢反對總裁的主張,這是好現狀,不是壞現狀。
他再三表示要我組織政黨,我對他說,我不配組黨。
我向他建議,國民黨最好分化作兩三個政黨。"
從這些情況中我們可以看出,蔣介石是很坦誠的,蔣介石從沒有騙過胡適,他沒有諱言自己想做行政院長 這一事實。這就是蔣介石的大氣之處,敢於向別人坦誠自己的野心。


 ---http://data.book.hexun.com.tw/chapter-6380-2-23.shtml 第85節:蔣介石為人厚黑術(4)
 紅色部分為我所加。

A Historian Looks at Chinese Painting (1941Yale)/ 題(石濤畫冊) 1949



Jonathan Hay 石濤-清初中國的繪畫與現代性 / 石濤 (楊成寅)/ 程抱一《石濤:生命的...


 
(390)
 1949 3 7 日為呂平得*君題(石濤畫冊)。石濤自題云,「不識乾坤老青青天外山。」可見遺民不肯拋棄希望的心事。
 不知是否此冊
April 23, 2010


對近代著名畫家張大千影響至深的清代革新派畫家石濤,其作品「杜甫詩意冊」(原名《石濤畫冊》)將於下月28日由佳士得拍賣,估值達1億2000萬元,創香港中國古代書畫拍賣歷來最高估價。 (圖:東方日報提供)
對近代著名畫家張大千影響至深的清代革新派畫家石濤,其作品「杜甫詩意冊」(原名《石濤畫冊》)將於下月28日由佳士得拍賣,估值達1億2000萬元,創 香港中國古代書畫拍賣歷來最高估價。此外,香港蘇黎世亞洲將於24日起一連三天舉行郵票拍賣會,包括一枚未曾發行的「1968年毛主席給日本工人題詞八分 郵票」,該郵票估價高達40萬港元。


1941/2/4 說此為口授稿再多次修改
平均10頁5小時 代比手寫稿快多了

*****

東西之間的回憶:人物
http://www.woodcarvingpainting.com/index21.html

Mrs. W. H. Moore 中國畫精品展
(
The Chinese and Japanese collections were built initially through the gifts and bequest of Mrs. William H. Moore. The greatest strengths of the Chinese collections lie in ceramics and painting. These include a special group of vessels from the Changsha region of Hunan Province, spanning ca. 500 B.C.E. to C.E. 1000, assembled for the most part by John Hadley Cox, B.A. 1935. Chinese paintings range from the Tang dynasty (618–907) through the twentieth century. There are also fine examples of work from the seventeenth century and, with recent gifts of over one hundred nineteenth- and twentieth-century paintings, in the modern and contemporary periods as well. )



Hu Shih (1891-1962), a social activist, Chinese philosopher, educator, and diplomat, was probably the most active one among all his peers in China. Here I tried to draw a sketch of a part of what he did in the intelligentsia:
His Ph. D research at Columbia University under the influence of John Dewey's pragmatism, The development of the Logical Method in Ancient China (published in 1922), soon led him into frontiers of the Chinese Renaissance movement. Some of the speeches he delivered in English speaking academe are: on 11th November 1926 in University of Cambridge: Has China Remained Stationary During the Last Thousand Years; in Haskell Lectures at University of Chicago in July 1933: The Chinese Renaissance; in the School of Art of Yale University on 16th January 1941: A Historian Looks at Chinese Painting; in Univ. of Illinois on 12th March 1941: Historical Foundation for a Democratic China; in Radcliffe Club of Washington on 23th March 1941: China, too, is Fighting to Defend a Way of Life; in October 1942: Chinese Thought; in University of Hawaii in July 1959: The Scientific Spirit and Method in Chinese Philosophy; on 10th July 1960: The Chinese Tradition and the Future; on 16th November 1961: Social Changes and Science.

***

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Hu Shih (1891-1962), Chinese philosopher, educator, and diplomat, was born in Shanghai. He received a Ph.D in philosophy from Columbia University in 1917. Influenced by John Dewey's pragmatism, he came to exhibit the skepticism and experimentalist approach that marked his later intellectual activities.
Returning to China in 1917, he joined the Peking University faculty and took part in the "literary renaissance" and new culture movement then in progress. Over the next 20 years, as an educator and editor, he was noted for his vernacular style, moderate political views, and original scholarship. He was ambassador to the United States in 1938-1942 and chancellor of Peking University in 1946-1949. Thereafter he lived in semiretirement in the United States until 1958, when he became president of The Academia Sinica in Taiwan. He died in Taipei on Feb. 24, 1962.
- From Encyclopedia Americana, international edition of 1991: page 518, volume 14, by Harry J. Lamley, University of Hawaii.
Dr. Hu delivered the following speech at the School of Art of Yale University on January 16, 1941.
A Historian Looks at Chinese Painting
I know practically nothing of Chinese art in general and Chinese painting in particular. But I have a notion that Chinese art might be studied as an integral part of the history of Chinese culture. In particular, I am curious to find out whether I could apply to the study of Chinese art certain general conclusions which I have found useful in my researches in the history of Chinese literature.
Every new development in Chinese literature can be traced in a cycle of four stages: every new form has its origin among the common people; it achieves great vitality through the bold and free experimentation and revision by numberless, nameless artists of the people; it attains maturity only when master minds of the educated class are attracted to adopt the new form as their own and give it a depth in content and perfection in form; and, finally, it reaches the stage of decadence when it becomes the object of blind imitation and conservative solidification.
The Chinese novel, for example, undoubtedly had its origin in the popular tales and recitals of the street and the market place. Eventually, gifted writers of the scholarly class, attracted by the great tales of unknown authors, retouched them and made them the masterpieces which have remained best-sellers for centuries. Then came a period, from the seventeenth century down, when Chinese novelists produced great novels of their own, novels of political satire, family life and social problems. The Chinese novel has not yet reached its stage of decadence.
The history of Chinese drama is even more instructive. The drama was for a long time a form of popular entertainment. The first actors were men and women of lowliest social standing. Then came the period of Mongol conquest, first of North China, then of South China, during which Chinese scholars with classical training often had no legitimate channel for civic advancement. Some of these scholars condescended to retouch plays or write original plays for the popular stage. These were usually in four or five acts written to meet the requirements of time and space for such entertainment. Because of the adoption of this popular literary form by some of the foremost writers of the age, the best dramas of the Yuan period can be ranked among the great masterpieces of the world. In later periods many literary men wrote poetic dramas but, dissociated from the players and directors of the popular stage, they were no longer writing dramas for production: they were writing interminable narrative verses in a dead language. The age of great dramas had passed. During the past two centuries various local types of popular dramas have been developed but none of these has been accepted by men of letters. Consequently, the popular stage of the past two hundred years has produced no drama of literary worth.
One of the questions which often puzzles the student of the history of Chinese art is: Why has China been deficient in certain arts while she excels in others? Why, for example, has China never achieved a higher level of development in architecture and in music? Why of all the plastic and graphic arts has China been most successful in painting? And why in the field of painting has China developed landscape farther than any other branches of painting?
Questions like these do not present serious difficulties to us students of the history of Chinese literature. China is deficient in those arts which have remained throughout the centuries in the hands of uneducated artisans and which have not had the illuminating touch of men of advanced education, rich experience and refined taste, as well as native artistic genius. Architecture and music are the two outstanding examples of uneducated art in China.
All ancient schools of Chinese thought unanimously condemned extravagant public expenditure on architectural grandeur. They praised the primitive rustic simplicity of the houses wherein the legendary sage-rulers were supposed to have lived and they taught that rulers lavishing the taxpayers' money on "high roofs and carved walls" were destined to ruin their kingdoms by their extravagance. This almost universal condemnation was temporarily swept away during the long period of domination of Buddhism and later of Taoism. In the medieval period, wealthy and influential followers of both religions vied with one another in the building of temples and monasteries. The splendor and grandeur of Buddhist temples and monasteries were described in detail in Yang Hsuan-chilh's "Lo-Yang-Chia-Lan-Ki" (the Buddhist Temples and Monasteries of Lo-Yang) which was completed in 547 A.D. and which was one of the very few Chinese books that expressed almost unreserved praise for the architectural beauty of Buddhist places of worship and meditation.
Orthodox Chinese Confucianist thought, however, continued to censure vast expenditures on either imperial palaces or religious edifices. Because of this strong prejudice on the part of the scholarly class, China has produced no great architect of the scientific and creative type. There has been no serious woks on architecture by Chinese scholars. Even the famous Ying-Tsao-Fa-Shih of Li Ming-chung was merely a great compilation of the existing architectural forms and devices, but it was not an original contribution. It was only in recent centuries that a few artistic minds of the scholarly class took some interest in landscape gardening. But, on the whole, architecture, the art least influenced by the educated class, has progressed little beyond the traditional empirical craft of the practicing carpenter and mason.
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The same reason can explain the backwardness of Chinese music and sculpture. Those of us who are familiar with the great emphasis which Confucius and his early followers laid on music often cannot understand how this art failed to attain a higher level of development in subsequent ages. My own explanation is that the exaltation of music and dance by the early Confucianist school was overshadowed by two counterforces: the religious school of Mo Ti, which condemned all fine arts as useless extravagance; and the naturalistic teachings of Lao-tze, Chuang-tze and other Taoistic philosophers, who condemned music and the other fine arts as the distracting devices of an artificial civilization. Moreover, as the educated class over-emphasized bookish knowledge and purely literary pursuits, music came to be regarded no longer as an important part of the education of a gentleman but only as the art of the professional entertainer. The government and the orthodoxy of Confucianism continued religiously to preserve the most ancient musical instruments, which were to be played once a year in the temple of Confucius. Nobody knew nor cared to know how they were played or what they played. And all modern music and all modern musical instruments were sweepingly despised as vulgar and improper.
All these arts came from the people, reaching a certain level of development and then ceased to grow. But, whenever men of education and refined taste could overcome prejudice and actively take up any one of those arts, their participation often produced periods of marked progress. Such was the case of the development in landscape gardening during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, of religious sculpture and modeling during certain periods of medieval China and of musical revival and its effect on the operatic dramas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
The development of porcelain is even more strikingly illustrative. Every period of great progress in Chinese porcelain has been the result of active participation by cultivated artists under imperial patronage. The Ming porcelain was essentially the product of unlettered workers who had a primitive delight in the loud colors and vulgar designs. But the masterpieces of the early Ts'ing period were the result of refined taste, artistic design and careful study and experimentation by the best artistic talent which the wealth and power of the empire could command. When that imperial patronage and supervision declined, Chinese porcelain was again relegated to the level of a commercial craft.
It has been said that painting is the preeminent art of China. The historical fact is that painting happens to be the art preeminently suited to the life and training of the Chinese scholar and man of letters. Chinese painting requires the same skill and mastery in the wielding of the brush which the Chinese scholar must acquire in learning to write well. In fact, writing is almost the only occupation in which even the most bookish scholar must use his hands. This is the main reason, I think, why calligraphy and painting are the only two fine arts which the scholarly class in China has taken up and developed to such heights.
Yet it must have been a long time before the Chinese scholar discovered that his writing brush was essentially the same as the coarse brush of the house-painter and that the skill he had acquired in the art of writing was the best preparation and training for painting. Historically it actually took many centuries for the Chinese scholar to be sufficiently interested in the art of painting to make it his own. For, whereas calligraphy had long become an essential part of the scholar's life, painting in ancient China was still regarded as the work of the hired artisan. Even the portrait painter was a craftsman of no social standing. The following episode in the life of the great artist-statesman Yen Lipeng shows that, even as late as the seventh century, the term "painter" (hua shih, or "master of painting") was still distasteful and distressing to a scholar:

One day, when the Emperor (Tai-Chung) had a boating party on the Palace Lake, his attention was attracted by a group of beautiful birds alighting and floating on the water. He told his guests to write poems to celebrate the occasion and sent for the artist Yen Li-peng to paint the birds in color. The court couriers shouted the Emperor's order in relay: "Call the Painter [hua shil] Yen Li-peng!"
Yen, who was then already an official of some rank, hurried to the Palace, knelt by the lake shore, mixed his dyes and began to paint the birds. When he looked up and saw his colleagues sitting in the Emperor's boat, he felt ashamed of himself and his art.
When Yen returned to his home, he said to his sons, "I have pursued the scholarly life ever since my boyhood. But I am now appreciated only through my paintings and am treated on the same level as the servants and hired laborers. I went you never to learn my art!"
Historically, painting came to be adopted by the men of letters through two channels: religion and literature.

The almost national conversion to Buddhism after the third century A.D. brought into being a vast number of Buddhist temples and monasteries which were invariably filled with mural paintings depicting episodes in the life of Buddha, or stories from the sutras. Most of the pictures were painted by professional decorators. But because these episodes were taken from the Buddhist scriptures, scholarship was necessary to understand and interpret them. As the new religion reached the best families of the nation, the influence of the Buddhist laity was gradually felt in the improvement or refinement of both the literature and the art of Chinese Buddhism. Talented and learned artists of high standing were invited or voluntarily offered to undertake the religious murals for the great temples and monasteries which were intended as an effective means of education for the people. Stories were told of such mural paintings by Ku Kai-chih of the fourth century A.D., Chang Seng-yu of the sixth century, Wu Tao-tze of the eighth and others.

In addition to the influence of religion, there were taking place in this formative age of Chinese art, philosophical and literary movements which also played no mean part of in the development of Chinese painting. The prevailing school of Chinese thought during the third, fourth and fifth centuries were philosophical naturalism, vaguelly called "Taoism". It was in terms of this philosophical naturalism that Buddhist philosophical concepts and ideas were made intelligible to the Chinese student. This naturalistic philosophy, however, had no interest either in the extravagant architectural splendor and grandeur of the Buddhist temples or in the gaudy or horrifying pictorial representations of the bliss of paradise or the horror of hell. It was making itself felt in the rise of a new school of poetry in the fifth century, which was called the poetry of "Shan Shui" (mountains and water). The leading representatives of this new poetry were Tao Chien (d.427) These poets were writing of what they had seen and felt in the flowing streams, the singing waterfalls, the mist, the snow, the rugged rocks and the fallen leaves. It was from this school of poetry that Chinese landscape painting derived its name "Shan Shui".
Buddhism underwent fundamental and radical transformation after the eighth century when the Ch'an or Zen movement sought to sweep away all the formalism, verbalism and ritualism of Mahayana Buddhism by its esoteric and frankly iconoclastic philosophy. Much of the imagery and ritualism of earlier Buddhism survived. But they no longer attracted the great painters. The age of religious painting had passed. Religious fervor and the demand for religious paintings awakened the interest of the scholarly class in painting, but, even at the height of the medieval religions, Chinese artists were already broadening the scope of painting by devoting more and more attention to such secular objects as landscapes, human portraits, animals and still life.

The existing works of the poets and prose writers of the T'ang Dynasty furnish us with much material for our understanding of the history of Chinese painting during that most important period. The poetry of Wang Wei, for example, gives us the best evidence of the intimate connection between the "Shan Shui" poetry and the "Shan Shui" painting. "There is poetry in his painting, and there is painting in his poetry." This verdict of the critics best sums up the spirit and ideal of the landscape school both in poetry and in painting.
But the T'ang records also show us that the painting of that age was essentially realistic in its discipline and technique, and still far away from the impressionistic and poetic art of later periods. Tu Fu, who died in 770, described his artist friend Wang's "Shan Shui" painting in these lines:
"It takes him ten days to paint a stream,
And five days to draw a rock.
He refused to be pressed or hurried.
Only in this way will he consent to give us his realistic
Painting."

(可參考 孔壽山,《唐朝題畫詩注》,成都:四川美術出版社,1988 頁124-26。)
戲題畫山水圖歌(一本題下有王宰二字。宰,蜀人)(杜甫 唐詩)

十日畫一水,五日畫一石。
能事不受相促迫,王宰始肯留真蹟。
壯哉昆崙方壺圖,掛君高堂之素壁。
巴陵洞庭日本東,赤岸水與銀河通,中有雲氣隨飛龍。
舟人漁子入浦溆,山木盡亞洪濤風。
尤工遠勢古莫比,咫尺應須論萬里。
焉得並州快剪刀,翦取吳松半江水。



In his famous ode to General Tsao Pa, To Fu tells us that this great painter who retouched the imperial series of portraits of the founders of the impire was a most painstaking painter of horses and was the teacher of Han Kan, another great painter of horses. In the same poem, we were told that general Tao Pa was fond of making portraits of the people he met and liked, and that, during the war-stricken years in the middle of the eighth century, he even condescended to sketch the faces of the ordinary men of the street. A later poet (Su Shih, his literary name Su Tungp'o) quotes Han Kan as saying that his real teachers were the hundreds of horses in the imperial stables. It was this realism (shieh chen) in depicting secular, natural and living subjects which laid the foundation for the development of the freer school of painting in a later age.

蘇軾 "論畫以形似 見與兒童鄰" (1941/1/17 日記 Dean Merks " How Modern!")
With the decline of the medieval religions, with the development of the great schools of Zen Buddhism and with the revival and spread of secular learning through the invention of the printed book, the Chinese renaissance was entering its period of maturity during the Northern and Southern Sung dynasties. It was during this period that the Imperial Academy of Court Painters was founded first in the North and then in the South. And it was during the same period that Chinese "literary men's painting" first achieved its highest development in the hands of such great geniuses such as Su Shih, Mi Fei and Wen Tung. For the first time, color was consciously abandoned in favor of the black and white sketches, and realistic delineation of the object was consciously considered secondary to the impressionistic grasp and expression of the idea and the spirit. It was Su Shih (1036-1101) who gives us this famous dictum:
"To judge a painting by the standard of bodily likeness,
Is as naive as the thinking of a child."
How far has Chinese painting broken away from the realistic art of the house decorator and even from Hsieh Ho's six cannons!
This does not mean that the impressionistic artists did not have to go through the necessary discipline of a realistic portrayal of objects. On the contrary, the great painters since the time of Su Shih have always been great craftsmen, masterly wielders of the brush and careful students of the anatomy of objects. But they have sought to achieve more by transcending mere bodily likeness, by eliminating what they consider as nonessential, and by concentrating or even exaggerating, what they endeavor to express. As an early nineteenth century painter of bamboo has expressed it:

"The Bamboo are my teachers,
I do not imitate the old masters.
When the hand, the eye and the mind arrive together,
There under the brush the spirit is expressed."

The above account practically amounts to a defense of the preeminence of the "literary men's painting", which years ago certain art critics both in America and in Japan tried to discredit and even condemn. I have tried to show that Chinese painting has followed a historical development quite similar to that of many movements in the history of Chinese literature. The moral of this historical lesson has been that, while the art had its origin in professional artisans and craftsmen, it has achieved the greatest altitude and depth only when it has become the medium of expression of the thought and experience of the greatest cultivated minds of the times. The achievement of Chinese painting has been possible only because it embodies the best contribution of the best minds of the nation throughout the ages.
But the moral does not stop there. In Chinese painting, as in every phrase of Chinese literature, decadence sets in when free and creative experimentation gives way to slavish imitation and conservative solidification. Too much of Chinese painting was the product of unintelligent imitation by dilettantes or commercialized craftsmen. In every period of such complacent decadence, it was always the creative or "eccentric" artists, such as the Prince-monks of the seventeenth century or the "cranky" artists of Yangchow in the eighteenth century, who startled the art world with their bold creations and brought Chinese painting once more out of its slumbers of complacency and commonplace. Without these creative minds, Chinese painting could not have achieved its many renaissances.

2014年1月14日 星期二

研究社會問題的方法 (1920年” )/ 喪禮/ 西洋人的喪禮莊嚴哀敬,是可取的: ....1940

研究社會問題的方法
  1920年:北京,“實進會”


研究社會,當然和研究社會學的方法有關係。
但這兩種方法有不同的地方,就是社會學所研究的是社會狀況;社會問題是研究個人生活狀況。社會學是科學的,是普遍的;社會問題是地方的,是特別的。研究這兩樣的傾向既然不同,那研究的方法也該有區別。  再者,社會學的目的有兩樣:第一,要知道人類的共同生活究竟是什麼樣子。在社會裡頭,能不能把人類社會的普通道理找出來。第二,如果社會裡的風俗習慣發生病的狀態,應當用什麼方法去補救。研究這兩個問題,是社會學的目的。但我們研究社會問題,和它有一點不同。因為社會問題是特別的,是一國的,是地方的。社會問題是怎樣發生的呢?我們知道要等到社會裡某種制度有了毛病,問題才能發生出來。如果沒有毛病,就不會發生什麼問題。好像走路、呼吸、飲食等等事體,平時不會發生問題,因為身體這時沒有病。到了飲食不消化或呼吸不順利的時候,那就是有病了,那就成為問題了。  中國有子孝婦順的禮教,行了幾千年,沒有什麼變遷。這是因為當時做兒子的和做媳婦的,對於孝順的製度沒有懷疑,所以不成問題。到現在的時候,做兒子的對於父母,做丈夫的對於妻子,做妻子的對於丈夫等等的禮法,都起了疑心。這一疑就是表明那些制度有點不適用,就是承認那些制度已經有了毛病。  要我們承認某種制度有了毛病,才能成為社會問題,才有研究的必要。我說研究社會問題,應當有四個目的。現在就用治病的方法來形容:第一,要知道病在什麼地方。第二,病是怎樣起的,它的原因在那裡。第三,已經知道病在那裡,就得開方給他,還要知某種藥材的性質,能治什麼病。第四,怎樣用藥。若是那病人身體太弱,就要想個用藥的方法,是打針呢,是下補藥呢?若是下藥,是飯前呢,是飯後呢?是每天一次,是每天兩次呢?醫生醫治病人,短不了這四步。研究社會問題的人,也是這樣。現在所用的比喻是醫生治病,所以說的都是醫術的名詞。各位可別誤會,在未入本題之前,我們需要避掉兩件事:      一、須避掉偏僻的成見   我們研究一種問題,最要緊的就是把成見除掉。不然,就會受它的障礙。比方一個病人跑到醫生那裡,對醫生說:“我這病或者是昨天到火神廟裡去,在那里中了邪,或是早晨吃了兩個生雞蛋,然後不舒服。”如果那個醫生是精明的,他必不聽這病人的話。他先要看看脈,試試溫度,驗大小便,分析血液,然後下個診斷。他的功夫是從事實上下手,他不管那病人所說中了什麼邪,或是吃了什麼東西,只是一味虛心地去檢驗。我們要做社會的醫生也是如此。  平常人對於種種事體,往往存著一種成見。比方娼妓問題和納妾問題,我們對於它們,都存在著一種道德的或宗教的成見,所以得不著其中的真相。真相既不能得著,那解決的方法也就無從下手了。所以我們對於娼妓的生涯,是道德是不道德,先別管它;只從事實上把它分析得明明白白,不要靠著成見。我們要研究它與社會的經濟、家庭的生計、工廠的組織等等現象,有什麼關係。比方研究北京的娼妓問題,就得知道北京有什麼工廠,工廠的組織是怎樣的;南北的娼妓從哪裡來,與生計問題有什麼關係,與南方的工廠有什麼關係;千萬不要當它作道德的問題,要把這種成見除掉,再從各種組織做入手研究的工夫。      二、須除掉抽象的方法   我們研究一種問題,若是沒有具體的方法,就永遠沒有解決的日子。在醫書裡頭,有一部叫作《湯頭歌訣》,鄉下人把它背熟了,就可以掛起牌來做醫生。他只知道某湯頭是去暑的,某湯頭是補益的,某湯頭是溫,某湯頭是寒;病人的病理,他是一概不知道的。這種背熟幾支歌訣來行醫的醫生,自然比那看脈、檢溫、驗便、查血的醫生忽略得多;要盼望他能夠得著同樣的效驗,是不可能的。  研究社會問題的人,有時也犯了背歌訣的毛病。我們再拿娼妓問題來說,有些人不去研究以上所說種種的關係,專去說什麼道德啦,婦女解放啦,社交公開啦,經濟獨立啦。要知道這些都和湯頭歌歌訣一樣,雖然天天把它們掛在嘴裡,於事實上是毫無補益的;不但毫無補益,且能教我們把所有的事實忽略過去。所以我說,第二樣要把抽象的方法除掉。  
已經知道避掉這兩件事情,我就要說到問題的身上。
我已經把研究社會問題的方法分作四步,現在就照著次序講下去。      一、病在什麼地方  社會的組織非常複雜,必定要找一個下手研究的地方;不然,所研究的就沒有頭緒,也得不著什麼效果。所以我們在調查以前,應當做四步功夫,才能夠得著病的所在。      第一步分析問題。我們得著一個問題,就要把它分析清楚,然後檢查它的毛病。比方納妾問題,分析出來,至少也有兩種:一種是獸慾的,基於這種動機而納妾的人,社會上稍有道德觀念的,都不承認他是對的。一種是承嗣的,這是因為要有後嗣才去納妾,自然和那獸慾的有分別。再從細里分析,獸慾的納妾的原因,大概是在哪裡,它與財產製度、奢侈習慣、娼妓制度等有什麼關係。研究第一種的納妾,在這些問題上,都要下工夫去研究,才能夠明白。說到第二種的納妾呢,我們就不能和前一例看。有許多道學先生,到了四十多歲還沒有兒子,那時候朋友勸他納妾,兄弟也勸他,甚至自己的妻子也勸他。若是妻子因為丈夫要納妾承嗣的話,就起來反對,人家必要說這做妻子的不賢惠。這樣看來,第二種的納妾是很堂皇的。我們對於這個問題,要研究中國的宗教;人為什麼一定要有後,為什麼要男子才算是後,女子就不算數,要有男子才算有後;在道德上和宗教上有什麼根據,它的結果怎樣呢,它有什麼效果,是不是有存在的理由;這些問題,都和獸慾納妾問題不同,是研究的人所當注意的。  再舉一個例,娼妓制度,絕不是用四個字就可以把它概括起來的。我們一把它的種類分析起來,就知有公娼、私娼的分別。公娼是納稅公開的,她們在警察廳權限底下,可以自由營業;私娼是不受警察廳保護的,她們要秘密地營業。從娼妓的內容說,還有高等和下等的分別。從最高等到最下等的娼妓,研究起來,還可以分析,這種分析非常有用,切不可忽略過去。從賣淫的心理考察,也可以分出好幾種,有一種是全由於獸慾的,她受了身體上或精神上的影響,所以去做賣淫的生活。但是從日本的娼妓研究下去,就知其中不全是如此。日本的娼妓,在她們的社會裡頭,早就成為一種特別的階級。她們的賣淫,並不根據於獸慾,是以這事為一種娛樂;獸慾與娛樂是兩樣事體,所以研究的方法也不能一樣。      第二步觀察和調查。分析的功夫若是做完,我們就可以從事於問題的觀察和調查。觀察和調查的方法很多,我可以舉出幾條來給各位參考。  我們知道社會問題不是獨立的。它有兩種性質:一種是社會的,是成法的,非個人的。比方納妾問題,絕不是一兩個人能夠做成,乃是根於社會制度或祖宗成法而來。一種是個人的。社會問題的發生,雖不在乎個人,然而社會是由個人組成的,他與個人自然有關係。因著這兩種性質,我就說研究社會問題有兩方面:一方面是內包,一方面是外延;我們要從這兩方面研究。所以調查的功夫,越精密越好。我們拿北京的車夫來說,它會發生問題,也許與上海、廣東有關係,也許與幾千年前聖賢的話有關係;你去問他們的境況,雖然是十分緊要,若是能夠更進一步,就得向各方面去調查。  西洋現行的觀察和調查的方法,總起來可以分做三樣:      (一)統 計      統計的功夫,是國家的。它的方法,是派人分頭向各區去調查,凡出入款、生死率、教育狀況等等的事體,都要仔細地調查清楚,為的是可以比較。      (二)社會測量(Social Survey)  研究社會問題的人測量社會,要像工程師測量土地一樣。我們要選定一個區域,其中各方面的事體,像人口、宗教、生計、道德、家庭、衛生、生死等,都要測量過,然後將所得的結果,來做一個詳細的報告。  三十年前,英國有一位布斯(Booth)*專做這種社會測量的功夫。他花了好些金錢,才把倫敦的社會狀況調查清楚。但三十年前的調查方法,不完全的地方很多,不必說的。此後有人把他工作繼續下去,很覺得有點進步,近來美國也仿行起來了。社會測量的方法,在中國也可以仿行。好像天津,好像唐山,都可以指定它們來做一個測量的區域。我們要明白在一區裡頭種種事體,才可以想法子去補救它。因為社會問題過於要緊,過於復雜,絕不能因著一家人的清形,就可以知道全體的。現在研究社會問題的人,大毛病就是把調查的功夫忽略了。要是忽略調查的功夫,整天空說“婦女解放”、“財產廢除”、“教育平等”,到底有什麼用處,有什麼效果?


*
Booth, Charles, 1840-1916, English social investigator, pioneer in developing the social survey method. Aided by the notable social scientist Beatrice Potter Webb, he made an exhaustive statistical study of poverty in London, showing its extent, causes, and location. This was published as Life and Labour of the People in London (17 vol., 1891-1903). Booth was also active in reform groups interested in the poor and aged. His other writings include Old Age Pensions and the Aged Poor (1899) and Industrial Unrest and Trade Union Policy (1914).



      (三)綜 合      用統計學的方法。把所得的材料,綜合起來做統計書,或把它們畫在圖表上頭。統計的好處,是在指明地方和時間,教我們能夠下比較的功夫。它不但將所有的事實畫在格里,還在底下解釋它們的關係和結果。我們打開圖表一看,就知道某兩線是常在一處的,某線常比其他的線高,某線常比其他的線低。我們將沒有關係的線,先擱在一邊,專研究那有關係的,常在一處的。到我們得著解釋的時候,那病的地方就不難知道啦。  我前次到山西去,看見學校行一種“自省”的製度。督軍每日里派人到各學校去,監察學生自省和誦讀聖書。我覺得奇怪,就向人打聽一下,原來這制度是從前在軍營裡行的。軍營裡因為有了這自省的方法,就把花柳病減少到百分之六十。督軍看見這個結果好,就把它用到學校去。我說這事有點錯誤,因為只靠花柳病減少的事實,就歸功在自省上頭,這樣的判斷是不准的。我們要看一看山西的教育在這幾年的進步如何,太原的生活程度是不是高了,醫術是不是進步了。這幾方面,都應當用工夫去研究一下,看它們和軍人的行為有什麼關係,有什麼影響。要是不明白種種的關係,只說是自省的功夫,恐怕這種判斷有些不對。而且宜於軍人的,未必宜於學生,若冒昧了,一定很危險。遺傳說食指動就有東西吃,食指動和有東西吃,本來沒有關係,因為食指動是沒有意識的。若在食指動以後,果然有東西吃,就把這兩件事聯起來作一個因果,那是不對的。我們對於原因結果的判斷,一定要用邏輯的方法,要合乎邏輯的判斷。那事實的真原因,才能夠得著。所以我們研究社會問題,要用邏輯的方法,才能夠知道病的確在什麼地方,和生病的原因在哪裡。不然,所做的功夫,不但無功,而且很危險,這是應當注意的。      二、病怎樣起  我們把病的地方查出來以後,就要做第二步的功夫,就是要考察那病的來源。社會的病的來源,可以分作兩面看:一方面是縱的,一方面是橫的;可以說一方面是歷史的,一方面是地理的;一方面是時間的,一方面是空間的。社會上各種制度,不是和時間有關係,就是和空間有關係,或是對於兩方面都有關係。所以研究社會問題,最要緊的是不要把這兩面忽略過去。  先從空間的關係說罷,我們拿北京的娼妓來研究,就知道它和中國各處都有關係。我們要用第一步的方法,研究那些娼妓的來路,和那地方所以供給娼妓的緣故。還有本地的娼妓,多半是旗人當的。我們對於這事,就要研究北京的旗人,她們受了什麼影響,致使一部分的人墮落。又要研究她們多半當私娼的,由男子方面說,他們為什麼專下南方去販女人上來,為什麼不上別處去,他們為什麼要在這裡開娼寮?這些問題是空間的關係,我們都應當研究的。我再具體舉一個例來說,南妓從前多半由蘇州來,現在就從上海來,這是什麼緣故呢?我們應當考究上海和蘇州的光景怎樣變遷,上海女工的境遇如何,她們在紗廠裡做工,一天賺幾十個銅元,若是女孩子,還賺不上十個。因為這個,就有些人寧願把女兒賣給人或是典給人,也不教她們到工廠裡去做工。從北京這方面說,在旗人的社會裡,一部分的人會墮落到一個賣淫的地步,也許是她們的生活狀況變遷,也許北京現有的職業不合她們做。這兩個例就是橫的、地理的、空間的關係,要把它們看清楚才好。  社會問題在時間上的關係,也是很重要的。時間的關係是什麼呢?比方承嗣的納妾問題,就是一種縱的、歷史的、時間的關係。古代的貴族很重嫡子,因為基業相傳的關係,無論如何,嫡子一派是不能斷的,大宗是不能斷的。但事實上不能個個嫡子都有後,所以要想法子把它接續下去。有人想,若是沒有宗子的時候,有了庶子,也比無後強得多,這就是納妾制度的起因。到後來貴族的階級消滅,一般人對於後嗣的觀念仍然存在。如果沒有兒子,就得納妾,為的是不讓支脈斷絕了。所以我說為有後而納妾,是歷史的關係。知道這個,才可以研究。孔子說得好:“臣弒其君,子弒其父,非一朝一夕之故,其所由來者,漸矣!”這幾句話,就是指明凡事都有一種歷史的原因。所以對於問題,不要把它的歷史的、縱的、時間的關係,忽略過去。  我再舉一個例,辦喪事的靡費,大概各位都承認是不對的。從前我住在竹竿巷的時候,在我們鄰近有一所洗衣服的人家,也曾給我們洗衣服,所賺的錢是很少很少的;但是到他辦喪事的時候,也免不了靡費。中國人辦喪事要靡費,因為那是一種大禮,所以要從喪禮的歷史去研究,才能得著其中的真相。  原來古代的喪服制度,有好幾等。有行禮的,有不行禮的。第一等的人,可以哭好幾天,不必做什麼事;因為所有的事情,都有人替他辦理,所以他整天躺著,哀至就哭,哭到要用人扶才站起來。所謂“百官備,百物具,不言而事行者,扶而起”,就是說這一等的喪禮。要行這樣禮,不是皇帝諸侯就不能辦得到。次一等的呢?有好些事體都要差人去辦,所以自己要出主意,哭的時間也就少了,起來的時候,只用杖就可以,再不必用人去扶。所謂“言而後事行者,杖而起”,就是指著這一類說的。古代的大夫、士,都是行這樣的禮。下等的人,所有的事都要自己去做,可以不必行禮,只要不洗臉就夠了。所以說,“身自執事而後行考,面垢而已”。這幾等的製度,都是為古代的人而設的,所謂“禮不下庶人,刑不上大夫”,就是表明古禮盡為“士”以上的人而作,小百姓不必講究。後來貴族階級打破了,這種守禮的觀念還留住,並且行到小百姓身上去。  現在中國一般人所行的喪禮,都是隨著“四民之首”的“士”。他們守禮,本來沒有“杖而後能起,扶而後能行” 的光景,為行禮就存著一個形式,走路走得很穩,還要用杖。古時的喪服,本來不縫,現在的人,只在底下衩開一點,這都是表明從前的帝王、諸侯、大夫、士所行的真禮,一到小百姓用的時候,就變成假的。所以我們從歷史方面去研究喪禮,就知道某禮節從前可以行,現在可以不必行,從前行了有意思,現在就沒有意思。我們從這方面研究,將來要改良它,就可以減少許多阻力。      以上說的是第二步功夫。我們要知道病的起源,一部分是空間的關係,一部分是時間的關係,因為明白這兩種的關係,才能夠診斷那病是怎樣發生的。以下,我就要說開方和用藥的方法。

HC補:
 西洋人的喪禮莊嚴哀敬,是可取的: .... (胡適日記  1940.1.23)      三、怎樣用藥  要是我們不知道病在什麼地方,不知道病從何而來,縱使用了好些藥,也是沒​​有功效的。已經知道病在哪裡,已經知道病的起因,還要明白藥性和用藥的方法。我在這裡可以舉出兩個法子來:第一是調查。我們把問題各種特別的情形調查清楚,然後想法子去補救,這是我已經說過的。現在可以不必講。第二是參考。我曾說用湯頭來治病是不對的,因為有些地方要得著參考材料,才可以規定用藥的方法。檢查溫度,試驗大小便,分析血液,這些事體要醫生才知道,若是給我做也做不來。這是什麼緣故?因為我不是醫生,沒有拿什麼大小便、血液來比較或參考過。若是我們對於一個問題,不能多得參考的材料,雖然調查得很清楚,也是無用。  我們所用參考的材料,除用社會學、經濟學、歷史和其他的參考書以外,還要參考人家研究的結果。比方對於娼妓制度,要看人家怎樣對付,結果又是怎樣。禁酒問題,人家怎樣立法,怎樣教育,怎樣鼓吹,結果都是什麼。我不是說要用人所得的結果來做模範,因為那很容易陷到盲從的地步。我們只要知道在同一的問題裡頭,哪一部分和人相同,哪一部分和人不同。將各部分詳細地比較,詳細地參考,然後定補救的方法。  有人從美國回來,看見人家禁酒有了成效,就想模仿人家。孰不知美國的酒害與中國的酒害很不相同,哪裡能夠把他們的法子全然應用呢!美國的酒鬼,常常在街上打人,或是在家裡打老婆;中國的醉翁,和他們是很不相同的。情形既然不同,就不能像人家用講演或登報的方法來鼓吹。譬如要去北京的酒害,就得調查飲酒的人,看他們的酒癖和精神、生計等,有什麼關係。何以酒害對於上等人不發生關係,專在下等人中間顯露出來。我們拿這些事實來比較,又將別人所得的結果來參考,然後斷定那用藥的方法。我們能夠聚集許多參考材料,把它們畫成一張圖表,為的是容易比較,所以參考材料不怕多,越多越好比較。      四、用藥的功效  這裡所謂功效,和社會學家的說法不同。社會學家不過把用藥以後的社會現象記出來,此外可以不計較。社會改良家,一說就要自己動手去做,他所說的方法,一定要合乎實用才成。天下有許多好事,給好人弄壞了,這是因為他有好良心,卻沒有好方法,所以常常僨事。社會改良家的失敗,也是由於不去研究補救的方法而來。現在西洋所用的方法很多,我就將幾樣可以供我們參考的舉出來:      (一)公開事業有許多問題,一到公開的時候,那問題已是解決一大半了。公開的意思,就是把那問題的真相公佈出來,教大家都能了解。社會改良家的職分,就是要把社會的秘密、社會的黑幕揭開。中國現在有許多黑幕書籍,他說是黑幕,其實裡頭一點真事也沒有。不過是一班壞人,用些枝枝節節的方法,鼓吹人去做壞事罷了。這裡所說的公開,自然不是和那黑幕書一樣。比方北京娼妓的情形,這裡的人到南方去買女子,或是用幾十塊錢去典回來,到北京以後,所有的雜費、器具、房屋都不能自己預備。做妓女的到這時候就要藉錢,但一借就是四分利息,縱使個個月都賺錢,也不夠還利息的。娼妓因為經濟給這班人拿住,就不能掙脫。只有俯首下心去干那醜生活。久而久之,也就不覺得痛苦了。遇著這種情形,若是調查社會的人把它發表出來,教人人明白黑幕裡的勾當。以後有機會,再加上政治的權力把那黑幕除掉,那問題就完全解決了。      (二)模範生活現在有許多人主張大學移殖專業。這種事業,英文叫作Social Settlement,翻出來就是“社會的殖民地”,但我以為翻作“貧民區域居留地”更好。移殖事業是怎樣的呢?比方這裡有許多大學的學生,暑假的時候,不上西山去,不到北戴河去,結幾個同志到城市中極貧窮的區域去住,在那裡教一般的貧民唸書、遊戲和做工等日用的常識。貧民得著大學生和他們住在一塊,就漸漸地受感化,因此可以減掉許多困難的問題。我們做學生的一定要犧牲一點工夫,去做這模範生活,因此我們對於這事,不但要宣傳,而且要盡力去實行。   (三)社會的立法(Social Legislation)

社會的立法,就是用社會的權力,教政府立一​​種好的法度。
這事我們還不配講,因為有些地方,不能由下面做上來,還要由上面做下去。我們在唐山看見一種包工製度,一個工人的工錢,本來是一元,但是工頭都包去招些七毛的,得七毛的也不做工,包給六毛的,得六毛的就去招一幫人來,住在一個“烏窯”裡頭。他們的工錢,都給那得六毛的、得七毛的、得一元的工頭分散了。他們一天的生活,只靠著五個銅子,要教他們出來組織工黨,是不成功的。歐美各國的工人,都能要求政府立法,因為好些事是他們自己的能力所辦不到的,好像身體損傷保險、生命保險、子女的保護和工作時間的規定,都是要靠社會的立法才能辦得到的。上海的女子在工廠裡做工,只能賺九個銅子,教她們自己去要求以上那些事,自然辦不到,所以要靠著社會替她們設法。我們由歷史方面看,國家是一種最有用的工具。用得好就可以替社會造福,社會改良家一定要利用它,因為它可以幫助我們做好些事。  以上三種方法,不過是略略地舉一些例。此外還有許多方法,因為不大合我們的採用,所以我不講。  結論

我已經把研究社會問題四層的功夫講完了。
總結起來,可以分作兩面:一面是研究的人,自己應當動手去做,不要整天住在家裡,只會空口說白話。第二面是要多得參考的材料。從前就是因為沒有參考材料,所以不發生問題。現在可就不然,所以我很盼望各位一面要做研究的學者,一面要做改良社會的實行家。

2014年1月13日 星期一

David Harum (1914/11/16 "此邦風土人物甚生動 甚喜之) J. E. Creighton /Walter B. Pitkin

讀“David Harum” 1914/11/16 "寫此邦風土人物甚生動 甚喜之 "

此長篇小說 為哲學教師J. E. Creighton 之妻向胡適推薦並借給他 該書原文現在網路上很容易找到 詳文末.....

1940.1.9 日記寫Walter B. Pitkin - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 跟他說去哥大教哲學是J. E. Creighton 誤打不撞推薦 F J E Woodbridge.....



胡適留學日記(二)

最近胡适之氏的一篇文章
David Harum 却是在他死后出版的, 而现. 在已经成了一部不朽的名著, 代表纽约的商人气质的大作 ...... 的方法来解决社会问题者,


David Harum (1900), a play by R. and M. W. Hitchcock (and Edward E. Rose, uncredited). [ Garrick Theatre, 148 perf.] In the small upstate New York town of Homeville, David Harum (William H. Crane) is known as a shrewd banker, an even shrewder horsetrader, and a kindly philosopher. He gives the all‐too‐lordly Deacon Perkins (Homer Granville) a costly lesson in horses, pays a long‐standing “debt” to patient Widow Cullum (Eloise Frances Clark), and sees to it that his young assistant, John Lenox (George S. Probert), wins the hand of comely Mary Blake (Katherine Florence). Charles Frohman produced the folksy, sentimental piece, based on Edward Noyes Westcott's best‐seller, and Crane toured in it for four seasons, while secondary companies crisscrossed the country for over a decade.
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David Harum; A Story of American Life was a best-selling novel of 1899 whose principal legacy is the colloquial use of the term horse trading.

Contents

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[edit] Literary significance and criticism

Written by retired Syracuse, New York banker, Edward Noyes Westcott, the work was rejected by six publishers before being accepted for publication by D. Appleton & Company. Published in the fall of 1898 -- some 6 months after the author's death -- it sold an impressive 400,000 copies during the following year.[1] Although the book contains the mandatory love story, the character and philosophy of the title character, small town banker and horse trader David Harum, expressed in the dialect of 19th-century rural central New York is the focus of the book. [2]
The main appeal of the work seems to have been to businessmen, attracted by its approval of a much more relaxed code of business ethics then was presented in most novels of the time.[3] Harum was an inveterate horse-trader and considered engaging in the dubious practices long associated with this activity as morally justified by the expectation that similar practices would be employed by his adversary. In principle, he contended that this made horse-trading quite different from other lines of business, yet in practice most business dealings seemed to him to be a species of horse trading, justifying considerable deviation from conventional standards of probity. The fact that these sentiments were placed in the mouth of an elderly country banker -- on the face of it, a clear spokesman for traditional values -- was particularly appealing in that it made these business ethics appear a reflection of the practices of shrewd businessmen through the ages rather than an indicator of moral degeneration.[4] Harum's version of the Golden Rule -- Do unto the other feller the way he'd like to do unto you, an' do it fust. -- was widely quoted,[5] and the term horse trading came into use as an approbatory term for what others would deem ethically dubious business practices.[citation needed]
The success of the book led to the identification of some of its characters with living persons; the late author's sister felt compelled on that account to write to Publishers Weekly, declaring that while the character of David Harum himself might be called a "composite", all the others were entirely fictitious.[6] The concession concerning the main character was a necessary one: the resemblance of the fictitious David Harum, banker and horse trader from the (also fictitious) central New York village of Homeville, and the real David Hannum, banker and horse trader from the (real) central New York village of Homer was too great to deny.[7] Hannum is perhaps better remembered for his role in the Cardiff Giant hoax.

[edit] Adaptations

The undramatic character of the book's action was something of an impediment to its adaptation to the stage, but its popularity insured that an attempt would be made. The result was a quite serviceable star vehicle for veteran comic actor William H. Crane -- so much so that Crane became largely identified with the role.[8] In 1915, Famous Players made a film adaptation of the play, again featuring Crane.[9]
In 1934, the story was again adapted to the screen, this time as a vehicle for Will Rogers.[10] In 1936, David Harum became a radio serial, which would run until 1951. These later adaptations owed little more than incidentals to the book; rather they used the story as a vehicle for presenting a more generic version of the cracker-barrel philosopher. In one respect the radio show however was true to Harum's business philosophy -- the program had a reputation for being particularly aggressive in using the story line to push its sponsors' premium offers.[citation needed]

[edit] References

  1. ^ Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography Vol. 7, page 279, New York, D. Appleton & Company, 1901.
  2. ^ A synopsis may be found in the Library of the World's Best Literature Vol. XXX, p.569, Charles Dudley Warner, editor, New York, J. A. Hill & Company, (c) 1902. The New York Times book review is here.
  3. ^ A correspondent to the New York Times pointed out that the book's appeal to businessmen might account, in part, for the novels large sales, noting that such men "buy what they read; they do not borrow books like women or people of limited income."
  4. ^ See "David Harum" in Fame and Fiction by E. A. Bennett, [London], Grant Richards, 1901, especially pages 188-189.
  5. ^ A notable example of the use of the maxim was by the Bisbee Daily Review on the day after the Bisbee Deportation, online here.
  6. ^ Publishers' Weekly Vol. LV, No. 1425 (May 20, '99), online here.
  7. ^ See The Real David Harum by Arthur T. Vance, New York, The Baker and Taylor Company, (c) 1900.
  8. ^ Plays of the Present by John Bouvé Clapp and Edwin Francis Edgett, New York, The Dunlap Society, 1902, gives a contemporary view here. The Internet Broadway Database summarizes the play's Broadway history here. The New York Times review is here. The Christmas Story from David Harum, New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1900, contains illustrations based on the play. William Winter's The Wallet of Time, Volume Two, New York, Moffat, Yard and Company, 1913, gives a more critical retrospective here.
  9. ^ The Internet Movie Database details are here. This text of the book contains stills from the picture.
  10. ^ The Internet Movie Database details are here.

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